Colored Conventions Project Digital Records

Proceedings of the Southern States Convention of Colored Men, held in Columbia, S.C., commencing October 18, ending October 25, 1871.

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Title

Proceedings of the Southern States Convention of Colored Men, held in Columbia, S.C., commencing October 18, ending October 25, 1871.

Description

Book (103 p. ; 25 cm.)

Date

Type

n/a

Identifier

1871.SC-10.18.COLU

Coverage

Columbia, SC

Scripto

Transcription

[This document has not been fully transcribed or processed. Please excuse any errors or missing parts.]

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

SOUTHERN STATES CONVENTION

OF

COLORED MEN,

HELD IN

COLUMBIA, S.C.,

COMMENCING OCTOBER 18, ENDING OCTOBER 25, 1871.

COLUMBIA, S. C.:



CAROLINA PRINTING COMPANY. 1871.







SOUTHERN STATES CONVENTION.


PROCEEDINGS.



COLUMBIA, S.C., October 18, 1871.

Pursuant to the call for a Southern States Convention, representing the interests of the colored citizens of said States, the Convention assembled this day in the Hall of the House of Representatives, Columbia, S. C.

At 12 M., Hon. H. M. TURNER, President of Georgia State Convention, called the Convention to order.

Hon. EDWIN BELCHER, of Georgia, read the following call:

CALL FOR A SOUTHERN STATES CONVENTION.

The following preamble and resolutions were adopted by the State Convention of Georgia, held in Atlanta, February 3, 1871:

WHEREAS, The peculiar condition of the colored people in the Southern States, growing out of a combination of local causes, does, in the judgement of this Convention, demand a more practical understanding and mutual cooperation, to the end that a more thorough union of effort, action, and organization may exist; and

WHEREAS, We believe a Convention of the Southern States would most happily supply this exigency and receive the cordial endorsement of the colored citizens of said States; therefore,

Resolved, That we, the members of the Georgia State Convention now assembled, do authorize the President of this Convention to issue a call, in the name of said Convention, for a Southern States Convention, to be held at such a time and place as he, and those with whom he may advise, shall determine best adapted to the public convenience.

The above is a true extract from the minutes of the Georgia State Convention.

J.S. STOKELY, Secretary of the Convention.

CALL.

To the Colored Citizens of the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Tennessee, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, West Virginia, and the District of Columbia:

Having been deputed, in pursuance of the above resolutions, as President of the Georgia State Convention, and by the endorsement of the

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distinguished gentlemen whose names are subjoined, we do hereby call the above named Convention to meet in the city of Columbia, South Carolina, on the 18th day of October, 1871, at twelve o'clock M.

As the Convention did not advise as to what should constitute the ratio of representation, we suggest that the respective States be representatively apportioned the same as they are in the Congress of the United States, to wit: One delegate from each Congressional District, and two from the District of Columbia. The several Congressional Districts will elect their own delegates, which elected delegates may meet and elect two for the State at large, unless the respective States shall otherwise provide by State Conventions.

Those who may be accredited as delegates should meet the Convention prepared to remain in session one week, if necessary, as questions requiring mature deliberation will doubtless come before it, and should not be disposed of precipitately.

Most respectfully, H.M. TURNER, President Georgia State Convention. MACON, GEORGIA, MAY 29, 1871.

A FEW OF MANY GENTLEMEN ENDORSING THE CALL.

Alabama- Hon. James T. Rapier. Arkansas- Hon. J. T. White. Delaware- Howard Day, Esq. Florida- Hon. Jonathan C. Gibbs, Secretary of State, Hon. Josiah T. Walls, Hon. H. S. Harmon Georgia- J. F. Long, Hon. Edwin Belcher, Hon. T. G. Campbell, Hon. J. M. Simms, J. F. Quarles, Esq. Kentucky- W. H. Gibson, Esq., G. W. Dupee, Esq. Louisiana- Hon. P. B. S. Pinchback, Lieutenant Governor O. J. Dunn. Maryland- Isaac Meyers, Esq., W. M. Perkins, Esq., John H. Butler, Esq. Mississippi- Hon. James Lynch, Secretary of State, Hon. E. Scarbrough. North Carolina- Hon. James H. Harris, Hon. George L. Mabson, J. T. Schenck, Esq. South Carolina- Lieutenant Governor A. J. Ransier, Hon. R. C. Delarge, Hon. R. H. Cain, Hon. J. H. Rainey, Hon. R. B. Elliott, Hon. F. L. Cardozo, Secretary of State. Tennessee- Abram Smith, Esq., Alfred E. McKinney, Esq., Henry Harding, Esq., M. R. Johnson, Esq. Texas- Hon. Richard Nelson,, Hon. J. T. Ruby. District of Columbia- Hon. Frederick Douglass, Hon. James A. Handy.

Mr. TURNER announced that the next business in order would be to effect a temporary organization, and moved that the Hon. J. T. WALLS, of Florida, be called to the chair.

The motion was agreed to.

5 Mr. WALLS, on taking the chair, said:

Gentlemen of the Convention:

I heartily thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me, and while presiding temporarily over the deliberations of this Convention, I shall discharge the duties impartially, and to the best of my ability. The proceedings will now be opened with prayer by the Rev. W. D. Harris.

Prayer was then offered up by Rev. W. D. Harris, of Columbia. Mr RANSIER then moved that Mr. J. H. Deveaux should act as temporary Secretary.

The motion was agreed to. The CHAIRMAN announced the next business in order to be the appointment of a Committee on Credentials.

Hon. W. G. JOHNSON, of Louisiana, moved that a Committee of five be appointed by the chair.

Mr. BELCHER moved, as an amendment, that a Committee on Credentials, composed of one from each Congressional District be appointed by the chair.

The amendment was accepted, and the motion, as amended, was agreed to.

Mr. P. B. S. PINCHBACK, of Louisiana, moved that a call be made of the States represented in the Convention.

Mr. MEYERS, of Maryland, moved to amend by adding, "and that each delegate present rise and announce his name as his State is called."

The amendment was accepted, and the motion, as amended, was agreed to. The roll was called, and the following gentlemen answered to the call: From the State of Alabama- James T. Rapier. From the State of Arkansas- John H. Johnson. From the State of Florida- J. T. Walls. From the State of Georgia- H. M. Turner, Charles M. Bradwell, L. W. West, J. C. Bell, J. T. Quarles, E. Belcher, J. H. Burch, F. C. Antoine, B. Geddis, G. E. Paris. From the State of Maryland- Isaac Meyers. From the State of Mississippi- S. H. Scott. From the State of South Carolina- R. H. Cain, A. J. Ransier, R. B. Elliott, Wilson Cooke, Jos. H. Rainey, H. E. Hayne, B. A. Bosemon, Jr., W. J. Whipper, W. B. Nash, S. J. Lee, J. H. White, F. Williamson. From the State of Tennessee- A. J. Flowers. From the State of Texas- John Debruhl.

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The CHAIRMAN then announced the appointment of the following Committee on Credentials:

T. C. Antoine of Louisiana; J. H. Rapier, of Alabama; J. H. Johnson, of Arkansas; J. M. Simms, of Georgia; Isaac Meyers, of Maryland; S. H. Scott, of Mississippi; H. E. Hayne, of South Carolina; John DeBruhl, of Texas; A. J. Flowers, of Tennessee.

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, of Louisiana, the Convention, at 1:15 P. M., took a recess until 4 P. M.

AFTERNOON SESSION.

The Convention re-assembled, and was called to order at 4 P.M. Hon. J. T. WALLS resumed the chair. Mr. F. C. ANTOINE, from the Committee on Credentials, made the following

REPORT: The Committee on Credentials beg leave to submit the following report:

That they have examined the credentials of the gentlemen from the various States embraced in the call for this Convention, and report the following as members, viz:

State of Alabama- James T. Rapier, James A. Foster, Holland Thompson. State of Arkansas- J. H. Johnson. District of Columbia-_____ State of Florida- J. H. Walls. State of Georgia- J. H. Deveaux, Edwin Belcher, J. M Simms, H. M. Turner, C.L. Bradwell, J. C. Beall, W. H. Noble, T. G. Campbell, John McCluskey, L.W. West, J.F. Quarles, W. H. Harrison, W. A. Golden, A. Gornickey. State of Louisiana- P. B. S. Pinchback, Geo. E. Paris, W. G. Johnson, Edgar Davis, E. Butler, Benjamin Geddis, F. C. Antoine, J. H. Burch. State of Maryland- Isaac Meyers. State of Mississippi- S. H. Scott. State of South Carolina- R. H. Cain, A. J. Ransier, R. B. Elliott, Wilson Cooke, W. J. Whipper, B. A. Bosemon, J. H. Rainey, H. E. Hayne, W. B. Nash, S. J. Lee, John White, Frank Williamson. State of Tennessee- A. J. Flowers. State of Texas- James Green, J. H. Townsend, J. DeBruhl, David G. Scott, Richard Allen, Richard Nelson. State of North Carolina- T. A. Sykes.

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Your Committee beg leave to recommend to the Convention the name of Mr. F. G. Barbadoes, as a member from the District of Columbia. S. C. ANTOINE, Chairman.

On motion of Mr. SIMMS, of Georgia, the report was agreed to. Mr. MEYERS, of Maryland, moved that a Committee of one from each State, on Permanent Organization, be appointed by the Chair.

The motion was agreed to.

The CHAIRMAN announced the following as said Committee:

Isaac Meyers, of Maryland; James T. Rapier, of Alabama; J. H. Johnson, of Arkansas; F. J. Barbadoes, of District of Columbia; E. Belcher, of Georgia; P. B. S. Pinchback of Louisiana; S. H. Scott, of Mississippi; Wilson Cooke, of South Carolina; A. J. Flowers, of Tennessee; Richard Nelson, of Texas; George W. Price, of North Carolina.

Mr. HAYNE submitted the request of Mr. Barbadoes that his name should not appear as a delegate from the District of Columbia, that District not having elected a representative to this Convention, and he did not desire to be placed in a false position.

If it pleased the Convention, however, to admit him to a seat on the floor, he would thankfully accept the position, and consider it a compliment.

The CHAIRMAN decided that Mr. Barbadoes had already been recognized as a delegate to this Convention, and must be taken as such, unless the Convention reversed its action, by reconsideration of the report of the Committee on Credentials.

Mr. HAYNE moved that so much of the report of the Committee as relates to Mr. Barbadoes as a delegate from the District of Columbia, be reconsidered.

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, the motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

On motion of Mr. ELLIOTT, Mr. Blakely Gibbs, of Oberlin, Ohio, was admitted to a seat in the Convention, with the privileges of a member.

On motion of Mr. ANTOINE, the Convention, at 5:15 P. M, took a recess of thirty minutes.

At 5:45 P. M., the Convention was again called to order. Mr. WALLS resumed the chair. Mr. MEYERS, from the Committee on Permanent Organization, submitted the following

REPORT:

The Committee appointed to nominate permanent officers for this

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Convention have had the same under consideration, and respectfully report the following:

For President - Hon. A. J. Ransier, of South Carolina. For Vice President- Hon. R. B. Elliott, of South Carolina; Hon. R. Nelson, of Texas; J. H. Johnson, Esq., of Arkansas, T. A. Sykes, of North Carolina; A. J. Flowers, of Tennessee; Hon. J. H. Piles, of Mississippi; Hon. P. B. S. Pinchback, of Louisiana; Hon. Josiah T. Walls, of Florida; Isaac Meyers, Esq., of Maryland; Hon. J. M. Simms, of Georgia; Hon J. T. Rapier, of Alabama. For Chaplain- Rev. C. L. Bradwell, of Georgia. For Secretaries- J. H. Deveaux, Esq., of Georgia; Hon. H. E. Hayne, of South Carolina. For Treasurer- Edwin Belcher, Esq., of Georgia. For Sergeant-at-Arms- John Williams. For Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms- Peter L. Miller.

Mr. ANTOINE moved the report to be agreed to.

Mr. ELLIOTT, of South Carolina, asked that, before taking the question on the adoption of the report, his name be withdrawn from any connection with the organization of this Convention, for reasons which he would give at a subsequent time.

There being no objection, the name of Mr. Elliott was withdrawn from the report as Vice- President from South Carolina.

On motion of Mr. HAYNE, the name of the Hon. W. B. Nash was substituted for that of Mr. Elliott.

On motion of Mr. ANTOINE, the report, as amended was adopted.

On motion of Mr. BURCH, the Chairman was authorized to appoint a Committee to conduct the President to the chair.

Messrs. Burch, Meyers and Pinchbook were appointed said Committee.

The Committee retired, and soon after appeared accompanied by the President elect, and escorted him to the chair.

The PRESIDENT, on being introduced to the Convention by the temporary Chairman, said:

Gentlemen of the Convention:

You have by your action this evening placed me in a peculiar position. The duties of the Chair, it may perhaps be needless for me to say, are onerous. It is a position which the lamented Everett, of Massachusetts, once said, "was neither to be sought nor declined." From this view of so eminent a statesman, you may easily judge of the peculiarities of the position. The peculiarity of the position at this time is enhanced by the fact that your Convention meets in South Carolina, and some of the delegation of which I am a member, and with whom I had spoken in reference to the choice of a President, agreed with myself, at the suggestion of my name, that we, for reasons satisfactory at least to ourselves, should decline accepting, for any member of our delegation, the position of permanent Chairman of the Convention. To the delegation

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of which I am a member, and to friends of other delegations, I expressed my preference for some other gentleman. My intention, from the first, was to advocate the claims of others. But by the report of your Committee, which bears upon its face at least the semblance of unanimity, you have chosen me to the position of President; and the action of the Convention upon the report exhibiting the same feeling, can I, ought I, dare I , refuse the position thus tendered? Where duty and the voice of the people call, I ever strive to obey. As it is your pleasure, then, that I should preside over your deliberations, be it so. As to the matters to be passed upon, you gentlemen know best. When the call was submitted to me, through the letter of my friend from Baltimore, (Mr. Meyers,) I debated within my own mind as to whether or not I could afford, or whether the colored men and the Republican party of the country could afford, such a course. It pointed to the assembling of a particular race- a component part of the American people. I slept upon that question, and determined, in the interest of the race to which I belong, to say "yes, gentlemen, and God speed you." Numbering, as we do, four million eight hundred thousand people in the United States-placed in a most peculiar position- ignorant, feeble, penniless-with certain prejudices directed against us; thrown upon the American body politic, as it were, a leper- why should we not meet together to consider and devise means and measures to preserve our own rights and privileges, and subserve the best interests of the community within which we exist, and of which we form a part, so far as in us the power lies? Why should we not come together to consider matters of interest to our own race, and, at the same time, contribute towards the peace and prosperity of the whole people, if possible? I believe that it is good for us to meet; that a body of this kind, reflecting the will, and knowing the wants of the colored people of the Southern States, should assemble to devise ways and means by which they may be elevated and brought up to the standard of equality, in every essential particular, that is proper, right and just for man to attain. The impression has gone abroad, and Democratic, as well as quasi Republican papers will seek to make capital our of the face, that we meet as a race for organized efforts against other races. But, gentlemen, you, by your actions, can best disabuse the minds of the American people, as to whether or not we, as colored men, claim peculiar privileges- whether, by our meeting, we are organizing against other races in the country- or, whether we are seeking to rob any man of his rights. Upon your action, gentlemen, depends, in a great part, the future of the colored man, at least in the Southern States. I believe that the nation to-day is watching us with a degree of interest, and I know that the race to which we belong, and here represent, are not only looking to us for counsel, but demand something that will redound to their permanent interest and well being. And you may subserve the purposes of good or evil, according as you speak and act. I feel assured that you will be calm, cool, deliberate and judicious in all that you say and do. I trust that every one here feels the importance which will no doubt be attached to our actions here. With the local troubles which exist in some of our States, this Convention has nothing to do. South Carolina has its bickerings, and its little local troubles. Some men here want office and the loaves and fishes, and some are in

10

position, by our votes, who can afford to say to us now "you can't have them," and all that kind of talk. But let us unite, not as colored men necessarily, and by our voice and actions prove that, as colored men, we are fitted for the citizenship conferred upon us by acts of Congress and the voice of the American people, after a tremendous struggle, in which one hundred and eighty thousand colored-men, amongst others, offered themselves as a sacrifice for the liberties we now enjoy. Remembering that we are colored men, remembering that we have a peculiar fight to make in many localities, let us prove to the American people and the world that we deserve the dear bought rights and immunities of American citizenship

The Convention is now ready for business. What is its pleasure?

On motion of Mr. TURNER, the thanks of the Convention were tendered to the Hon. J.T Walls, of Florida, for the able and impartial manner in which he presided as temporary Chairman.

Mr. WALLS introduced the following resolution, which was adopted:

Resolved, That Committees on the following subjects be appointed by the Chair: Committee on Education and Labor. Committee on Address to the American People. Committee on Printing. Committee on Finance. Committee on Civil Rights. Committee on Organizations. Committee on Emigration. Committee on Outrages in the South. Committee on Rules.

Mr. WALLS, of Florida, presented a letter from the Hon. J. C. Gibbs, Secretary of State of Florida, and requested that it be read to the Convention. The letter was read, as follows:

To the President of the National Convention:

SIR- In consequence of the absence of His Excellency from this State, and my presence here during the absence of the Governor being required by law, I am under the necessity of a forced absence from the Convention on the 18th instant, which I truly regret.

I believe it possible that this Convention may be made the most important gathering of our people that has ever occurred on this continent. It is the authorized voice of one million voters, and this million voters as honest in their purpose, and as loyal to Republican ideas and institutions, as any other million voters in our beloved country. This is a grand opportunity for the uplifting and vindication of our struggling people, and may broad considerations of justice and human progress characterize all the deliberations of the Convention.

I expect that many of the most learned and judicious men of our race will be present, and ready to co-operate for that which is practical, possible and just. We earnestly desire the enforcement of the reconstruction laws of Congress, that life and property may be safe in these Southern States.

11

Let us ask the Federal Government for an increase of school facilities for both white and colored, and I hope that the subject of compulsory attendance at school may be deliberately considered. Society cannot afford to let a single individual, white or black, grow up in vice and ignorance.

The real worth of an American citizen is his usefulness to society, his fitness to develop, in his own life and character, the blessings of free government. Let us invite the entire colored element in this country to concentrate in these Gulf States. Here is to be the future home of our race on this continent; here we are ordained, by a manifest destiny, to act an important part in the ultimate triumph of Republican government on this continent.

If the great mission of the American people is to give to the world a system of law and government most compatible with individual development- personal liberty- here in these Gulf States, on the great future highways of travel and commerce between the East and West, let us plant ourselves, where all the benefits and appliances of modern civilization are attainable.

From this point easy communication may be had with the millions of our race in the West Indies, Brazil and Africa, and as a component part of the great American people, we are now fully incorporated with the prosperity or failure of this nation.

The benefit of the Homestead Act should be persistently agitated among our people. No people can be said to be independent and civilized who do not own the soil they till. Free schools, free soil, and free men, are indispensable to free government in this country. The herding of laborers, as in common to the old plantation system, without the benefits and blessings of a well ordered home, perpetuates many of the worst evils of slavery, and utterly destroys freedom of thought and action

Small farms, mixed industries, are the needs of the South, before our beautiful country is covered with villages and towns, as Massachusetts and Vermont.

Earnestly hoping that abundant success may crown the action of this Convention, permit me to subscribe myself,

Your, for Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, JONATHAN C. GIBBS, Secretary of State of Florida.

On motion of Mr. ANTOINE, the letter was ordered to be spread upon the minutes of the Convention.

Mr. TURNER, of Georgia, presented a letter from Dr. R. J. Cromwell, a delegate from the State of Louisiana, and requested that it should be read to the Convention.

The communication was read and referred to the Committee on Communications and Resolutions:

NEW ORLEANS, October 15, 1871.

To the President and Members of the Southern States Convention:

GENTLEMEN- By the request of a call for a Southern States Convention, and the authority of our State Convention, held at the city of New

12

Orleans, Louisiana, on the 11th day of August, 1871, for the purpose of electing delegates to said Convention, I have the honor of being elected a delegate to represent the first Congressional District, State of Louisiana, in said Convention. But circumstances over which I have no control prevent me from attending in person. I, therefore, authorize H. M. Turner, President of the Georgia State Convention, to act as my proxy, and suggest a few topics for consideration, hoping you will bring them before the Convention:

1st. We should effect some organization by which we may effect a union among the various castes of persons of African origin and negro descent, by league or otherwise.

2d. A Homestead Bureau and Emigration Association

3d. Establish a day we should celebrate as national day of our emancipation and enfranchisement.

4th. I would recommend the organization of negro Republican political clubs throughout the Southern States, and say to the Republican party: Come upon our platform; we have advanced from equality before the law, to equal public privileges, that is, the free exercise of the right of a citizen upon all common carriers on the national highways, namely: steamboats upon the rivers, ships upon the high seas, railroads that receive their charters, or aid, from the United States Government. Make it an issue before the people.

5th. The election of at least half of the members of Congress from the Southern States should be of our race. This should be strictly impressed upon the minds of the delegates. Also the election of President Grant, in 1872.

6th. Declare a name for our race, that will apply to the whole people of African origin and negro descent. We are negroes- not colored people. We are not Indians, Chinese, Malays, or Mexicans; we should be called "negroes." We are, in this country, American citizens of negro descent, and should be proud of the name, and hurl the polite American phrase, "colored person," from us, and say to the one that uses it, "I am a negro." Let us respect our ancient name as much as the whites do the name of Saxon, Celt, Latin.

You will please read this epistle to the Convention, and have it put upon the minutes, if the Convention deems it necessary.

Gentlemen of the Convention, you have my best wishes, and I trust your Convention may be of great benefit to our race.

(Signed) R. J. CROMWELL

Mr. QUARLES moved a reconsideration of so much of the resolution relative to the appointment of Committees on special subjects as relates to the Committee on Rules.

The motion was agreed to.

On motion of Mr. QUARLES, the rules of the House of Representatives of the United States Congress, so far as applicable, were adopted as the rules for the government of this body.

Mr. PRICE, of North Carolina, introduced the following resolution, which was agreed to:

[This document has not been fully transcribed or processed. Please excuse any errors or missing parts.]

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

SOUTHERN STATES CONVENTION

OF

COLORED MEN,

HELD IN COLUMBIA, S.C.,

COMMENCING OCTOBER 18, ENDING OCTOBER 25, 1871.

COLUMBIA, S. C.:

CAROLINA PRINTING COMPANY. 1871.

SOUTHERN STATES CONVENTION.

PROCEEDINGS.

COLUMBIA, S.C., October 18, 1871.

Pursuant to the call for a Southern States Convention, representing the interests of the colored citizens of said States, the Convention assembled this day in the Hall of the House of Representatives, Columbia, S. C. At 12 M., Hon. H. M. TURNER, President of Georgia State Convention, called the Convention to order.

Hon. EDWIN BELCHER, of Georgia, read the following call:

CALL FOR A SOUTHERN STATES CONVENTION.

The following preamble and resolutions were adopted by the State Convention of Georgia, held in Atlanta, February 3, 1871:

WHEREAS, The peculiar condition of the colored people in the Southern States, growing out of a combination of local causes, does, in the judgment of this Convention, demand a more practical understanding and mutual cooperation, to the end that a more thorough union of effort, action, and organization may exist; and

WHEREAS, We believe a Convention of the Southern States would most happily supply this exigency and receive the cordial endorsement of the colored citizens of said States; therefore,

Resolved, That we, the members of the Georgia State Convention now assembled, do authorize the President of this Convention to issue a call, in the name of said Convention, for a Southern States Convention, to be held at such a time and place as he, and those with whom he may advise, shall determine best adapted to the public convenience.

The above is a true extract from the minutes of the Georgia State Convention.

J.S. STOKELY,

Secretary of the Convention.

CALL.

To the Colored Citizens of the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Tennessee, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, West Virginia, and the District of Columbia:

Having been deputed, in pursuance of the above resolutions, as President of the Georgia State Convention, and by the endorsement of the

4

distinguished gentlemen whose names are subjoined, we do hereby call the above named Convention to meet in the city of Columbia, South Carolina, on the 18th day of October, 1871, at twelve o'clock M.

As the Convention did not advise as to what should constitute the ratio of representation, we suggest that the respective States be representatively apportioned the same as they are in the Congress of the United States, to wit: One delegate from each Congressional District, and two from the District of Columbia. The several Congressional Districts will elect their own delegates, which elected delegates may meet and elect two for the State at large, unless the respective States shall otherwise provide by State Conventions.

Those who may be accredited as delegates should meet the Convention prepared to remain in session one week, if necessary, as questions requiring mature deliberation will doubtless come before it, and should not be disposed of precipitately.

Most respectfully,

H.M. TURNER, President Georgia State Convention.

MACON, GEORGIA, MAY 29, 1871.

A FEW OF MANY GENTLEMEN ENDORSING THE CALL.

Alabama—Hon. James T. Rapier.

Arkansas—Hon. J. T. White.

Delaware—Howard Day, Esq.

Florida—Hon. Jonathan C. Gibbs, Secretary of State, Hon. Josiah T. Walls, Hon. H. S. Harmon.

Georgia—J. F. Long, Hon. Edwin Belcher, Hon. T. G. Campbell, Hon. J. M. Simms, J. F. Quarles, Esq.

Kentucky—W. H. Gibson, Esq., G. W. Dupee, Esq.

Louisiana—Hon. P. B. S. Pinchback, Lieutenant Governor O. J. Dunn.

Maryland—Isaac Meyers, Esq., W. M. Perkins, Esq., John H. Butler, Esq.

Mississippi—Hon. James Lynch, Secretary of State, Hon. E. Scarbrough.

North Carolina—Hon. James H. Harris, Hon. George L. Mabson, J. T. Schenck, Esq.

South Carolina—Lieutenant Governor A. J. Ransier, Hon. R. C. Delarge, Hon. R. H. Cain, Hon. J. H. Rainey, Hon. R. B. Elliott, Hon. F. L. Cardozo, Secretary of State.

Tennessee—Abram Smith, Esq., Alfred E. McKinney, Esq., Henry Harding, Esq., M. R. Johnson, Esq.

Texas—Hon. Richard Nelson,, Hon. J. T. Ruby.

District of Columbia—Hon. Frederick Douglass, Hon. James A. Handy.

Mr. TURNER announced that the next business in order would be to effect a temporary organization, and moved that the Hon. J. T. WALLS, of Florida, be called to the chair.

The motion was agreed to.

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Mr. WALLS, on taking the chair, said:

Gentlemen of the Convention:

I heartily thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me, and while presiding temporarily over the deliberations of this Convention, I shall discharge the duties impartially, and to the best of my ability. The proceedings will now be opened with prayer by the Rev. W.D. Harris.

Prayer was then offered up by Rev. W.D. Harris, of Columbia.

Mr. RANSIER then moved that Mr. J.H. Deveaux should act as temporary Secretary.

The motion was agreed to.

The CHAIRMAN announced the next business in order to be the appointment of a Committee on Credentials.

Hon. W.G. JOHNSON, of Louisiana, moved that a Committee of five to be appointed by the chair.

Mr. BELCHER moved, as an amendment, that a Committee on Credentials, composed of one from each Congressional District, be appointed by the chair.

The amendment was accepted, and the motion, as amended, was agreed to.

Mr. P.B.S. PINCHBACK, of Louisiana, moved that a call be made of the States represented in the Convention.

Mr. MEYERS, of Maryland, moved to amend by adding, "and that each delegate present rise and announce his name as his State is called."

The amendment was accepted, and the motion, as amended, was agreed to.

The roll was called, and the following gentlemen answered to the call:

From the State of Alabama—James T. Rapier.

From the State of Arkansas—John H. Johnson.

From the State of Florida—J.T. Walls.

From the State of Georgia—H.M. Turner, Charles M. Bradwell, L.W. West, J.C. Bell, J.T. Quarles, E. Belcher, J.H. Deveaux, J.M. Simms, W.A. Golding.

From the State of Louisiana, P.B.S. Pinchback, J.H. Burch, F.C. Antoine, B. Geddis, G.E. Paris.

From the State of Maryland—Isaac Meyer.

From the State of Mississippi—S.H. Scott.

From the State of South Carolina—R.H. Cain, A.J. Ransier, R.B. Elliott, Wilson Cooke, Jos. H. Rainey, H.E. Hayne, B.A. Bosemon, Jr., W.J. Whipper, W.B. Nash, S.J. Lee, J.H. White, F. Williamson.

From the State of Tennessee—A.J.Flowers.

From the State of Texas—John DeBruhl.

6

The CHAIRMAN then announced the appointment of the following Committee on Credentials:

T. C. Antoine, of Louisiana; J. H. Rapier, of Alabama; J. H. Johnson, of Arkansas; J. M. Simms, of Georgia; Isaac Meyers, of Maryland; S. H. Scott, of Mississippi; H. E. Hayne, of South Carolina; John DeBruhl, of Texas; A. J. Flowers, of Tennessee.

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, of Louisiana, the Convention, at 1:15 P. M., took a recess until 4 P. M.

AFTERNOON SESSION.

The Convention re-assembled, and was called to order at 4 P.M.

Hon. J. T. WALLS resumed the chair.

Mr. F. C. ANTOINE, from the Committee on Credentials, made the following

REPORT:

The Committee on Credentials beg leave to submit the following report:

That they have examined the credentials of the gentlemen from the various States embraced in the call for this Convention, and report the following as members, viz:

State of Alabama—James T. Rapier, James A. Foster, Holland Thompson.

State of Arkansas—J. H. Johnson.

District of Columbia— ―

State of Florida—J. H. Walls.

State of Georgia—J. H. Deveaux, Edwin Belcher, J. M Simms, H. M. Turner, C.L. Bradwell, J. C. Beall, W. H. Noble, T. G. Campbell, John McCluskey, L. W. West, J. F. Quarles, W. H. Harrison, W. A. Golden, A. Gornickey.

State of Louisiana—P. B. S. Pinchback, Geo. E. Paris, W. G. Johnson, Edgar Davis, E. Butler, Benjamin Geddis, F. C. Antoine, J. H. Burch.

State of Maryland—Isaac Meyers.

State of Mississippi—S. H. Scott.

State of South Carolina—R. H. Cain, A. J. Ransier, R. B. Elliott, Wilson Cooke, W. J. Whipper, B. A. Bosemon, J. H. Rainey, H. E. Hayne, W. B. Nash, S. J. Lee, John White, Frank Williamson.

State of Tennessee—A. J. Flowers.

State of Texas—James Green, J. H. Townsend, J. DeBruhl, David G. Scott, Richard Allen, Richard Nelson.

State of North Carolina—T. A. Sykes.

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Your Committee beg leave to recommend to the Convention the name of Mr. F. G. Barbadoes, as a member from the District of Columbia. S. C. ANTOINE, Chairman.

On motion of Mr. SIMMS, of Georgia, the report was agreed to. Mr. MEYERS, of Maryland, moved that a Committee of one from each State, on Permanent Organization, be appointed by the Chair.

The motion was agreed to.

The CHAIRMAN announced the following as said Committee:

Isaac Meyers, of Maryland; James T. Rapier, of Alabama; J. H. Johnson, of Arkansas; F. J. Barbadoes, of District of Columbia; E. Belcher, of Georgia; P. B. S. Pinchback of Louisiana; S. H. Scott, of Mississippi; Wilson Cooke, of South Carolina; A. J. Flowers, of Tennessee; Richard Nelson, of Texas; George W. Price, of North Carolina.

Mr. HAYNE submitted the request of Mr. Barbadoes that his name should not appear as a delegate from the District of Columbia, that District not having elected a representative to this Convention, and he did not desire to be placed in a false position.

If it pleased the Convention, however, to admit him to a seat on the floor, he would thankfully accept the position, and consider it a compliment.

The CHAIRMAN decided that Mr. Barbadoes had already been recognized as a delegate to this Convention, and must be taken as such, unless the Convention reversed its action, by reconsideration of the report of the Committee on Credentials.

Mr. HAYNE moved that so much of the report of the Committee as relates to Mr. Barbadoes as a delegate from the District of Columbia, be reconsidered.

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, the motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

On motion of Mr. ELLIOTT, Mr. Blakely Gibbs, of Oberlin, Ohio, was admitted to a seat in the Convention, with the privileges of a member.

On motion of Mr. ANTOINE, the Convention, at 5:15 P. M, took a recess of thirty minutes.

At 5:45 P. M., the Convention was again called to order. Mr. WALLS resumed the chair. Mr. MEYERS, from the Committee on Permanent Organization, submitted the following

REPORT:

The Committee appointed to nominate permanent officers for this

8

Convention have had the same under consideration, and respectfully report the following:

For President—Hon. A. J. Ransier, of South Carolina.

For Vice President—Hon. R. B. Elliott, of South Carolina; Hon. R. Nelson, of Texas; J. H. Johnson, Esq., of Arkansas, T. A. Sykes, of North Carolina; A. J. Flowers, of Tennessee; Hon. J. H. Piles, of Mississippi; Hon. P. B. S. Pinchback, of Louisiana; Hon. Josiah T. Walls, of Florida; Isaac Meyers, Esq., of Maryland; Hon. J. M. Simms, of Georgia; Hon J. T. Rapier, of Alabama.

For Chaplain—Rev. C. L. Bradwell, of Georgia.

For Secretaries—J. H. Deveaux, Esq., of Georgia; Hon. H. E. Hayne, of South Carolina.

For Treasurer—Edwin Belcher, Esq., of Georgia.

For Sergeant-at-Arms—John Williams.

For Assistant Sergeant-at-Arms—Peter L. Miller.

Mr. ANTOINE moved the report to be agreed to.

Mr. ELLIOTT, of South Carolina, asked that, before taking the question on the adoption of the report, his name be withdrawn from any connection with the organization of this Convention, for reasons which he would give at a subsequent time.

There being no objection, the name of Mr. Elliott was withdrawn from the report as Vice—President from South Carolina.

On motion of Mr. HAYNE, the name of the Hon. W. B. Nash was substituted for that of Mr. Elliott.

On motion of Mr. ANTOINE, the report, as amended was adopted.

On motion of Mr. BURCH, the Chairman was authorized to appoint a Committee to conduct the President to the chair.

Messrs. Burch, Meyers and Pinchback were appointed said Committee.

The Committee retired, and soon after appeared accompanied by the President elect, and escorted him to the chair.

The PRESIDENT, on being introduced to the Convention by the temporary Chairman, said:

Gentlemen of the Convention:

You have by your action this evening placed me in a peculiar position. The duties of the Chair, it may perhaps be needless for me to say, are onerous. It is a position which the lamented Everett, of Massachusetts, once said, "was neither to be sought nor declined." From this view of so eminent a statesman, you may easily judge of the peculiarities of the position. The peculiarity of the position at this time is enhanced by the fact that your Convention meets in South Carolina, and some of the delegation of which I am a member, and with whom I had spoken in reference to the choice of a President, agreed with myself, at the suggestion of my name, that we, for reasons satisfactory at least to ourselves, should decline accepting, for any member of our delegation, the position of permanent Chairman of the Convention. To the delegation

9

of which I am a member, and to friends of other delegations, I expressed my preference for some other gentleman. My intention, from the first, was to advocate the claims of others. But by the report of your Committee, which bears upon its face at least the semblance of unanimity, you have chosen me to the position of President ; and the action of the Convention upon the report exhibiting the same feeling, can I, ought I, dare I, refuse the position thus tendered? Where duty and the voice of the people call, I ever strive to obey. As it is your pleasure, then, that I should preside over your deliberations, be it so. As to the matters to be passed upon, you gentlemen know best. When the call was first submitted to me, through the letter of my friend from Baltimore, (Mr Meyers,) I debated within my own mind as to whether or not I could afford, or whether the colored men and the Republican party of the country could afford, such a course. It pointed to the assembling of a particular race--a component part of the American people. I slept upon that question, and determined, in the interest of the race to which I belong, to say "yes, gentlemen, and God speed you." Numbering, as we do, four million eight hundred thousand people in the United States-- placed in a most peculiar position--ignorant, feeble, penniless--with certain prejudices directed against us ; thrown upon the American body politic, as it were, a leper--why should we not meet together to consider and devise means and measures to preserve our own rights and privileges, and subserve the best interests of the community within which we exist, and of which we form a part, so far as in us the power lies? Why should we not come together to consider matters of interest to our own race, and, at the same time, contribute towards the peace and prosperity of the whole people, if possible? I believe that it is good for us to meet ; that a body of this kind, reflecting the will, and knowing the wants of the colored people of the Southern States, should assemble to devise ways and means by which they may be elevated and brought up to the standard of equality, in every essential particular, that is proper, right and just for man to attain. The impression has gone abroad, and Democratic, as well as quasi Republican papers will seek to make capital out of the fact, that we meet as a race for organized efforts against other races. But, gentlemen, you, by your actions, can best disabuse the minds of the American people, as to whether or not we, as colored men, claim peculiar privileges--whether, by our meeting, we are organizing against other races in the country--or, whether we are seeking to rob any man of his rights. Upon your action, gentlemen, depends, in a great part, the future of the colored man, at least in the Southern States. I believe that the nation to-day is watching us with a degree of interest, and I know that the race to which we belong, and here represent, are not only looking to us for counsel, but demand something that will re-dound to their permanent interest and well being. And you may sub-serve the purposes of good or evil, according as you speak and act. I feel assured that you will be calm, cool, deliberate and judicious in all that you say and do. I trust that every one here feels the importance which will no doubt be attached to our actions here. With the local troubles which exist in some of our States, this Convention has nothing to do. South Carolina has its bickerings, and its little local troubles. Some men here want office and the loaves and fishes, and some are in

10

position, by our votes, who can afford to say to us now "you can't have them," and all that kind of talk. But let us unite, not as colored men necessarily, and by our voice and actions prove that, as colored men, we are fitted for the citizenship conferred upon us by acts of Congress and the voice of the American people, after a tremendous struggle, in which one hundred and eighty thousand colored men, amongst others, offered themselves as a sacrifice for the liberties we now enjoy. Remembering that we are colored men, remembering that we have a peculiar fight to make in many localities, let us prove to the American people and the world that we deserve the dear bought rights and immunities of American citizenship.

The Convention is now ready for business. What is its pleasure?

On motion of Mr. TURNER, the thanks of the Convention were tendered to the Hon. J.T Walls, of Florida, for the able and impartial manner in which he presided as temporary Chairman.

Mr. WALLS introduced the following resolution, which was adopted:

Resolved, That Committees on the following subjects be appointed by the Chair:

Committee on Education and Labor.

Committee on Address to the American People.

Committee on Printing.

Committee on Finance.

Committee on Civil Rights.

Committee on Organizations.

Committee on Emigration.

Committee on Outrages in the South.

Committee on Rules.

Mr. WALLS, of Florida, presented a letter from the Hon. J. C. Gibbs, Secretary of State of Florida, and requested that it be read to the Convention. The letter was read, as follows:

To the President of the National Convention:

SIR—In consequence of the absence of His Excellency from this State, and my presence here during the absence of the Governor being required by law, I am under the necessity of a forced absence from the Convention on the 18th instant, which I truly regret.

I believe it possible that this Convention may be made the most important gathering of our people that has ever occurred on this continent. It is the authorized voice of one million voters, and this million voters as honest in their purpose, and as loyal to Republican ideas and institutions, as any other million voters in our beloved country. This is a grand opportunity for the uplifting and vindication of our struggling people, and may broad considerations of justice and human progress characterize all the deliberations of the Convention.

I expect that many of the most learned and judicious men of our race will be present, and ready to co-operate for that which is practical, possible and just. We earnestly desire the enforcement of the reconstruction laws of Congress, that life and property may be safe in these Southern States.

11

Let us ask the Federal Government for an increase of school facilities for both white and colored, and I hope that the subject of compulsory attendance at school may be deliberately considered. Society cannot afford to let a single individual, white or black, grow up in vice and ignorance.

The real worth of an American citizen is his usefulness to society, his fitness to develop, in his own life and character, the blessings of free government. Let us invite the entire colored element in this country to concentrate in these Gulf States. Here is to be the future home of our race on this continent; here we are ordained, by a manifest destiny, to act an important part in the ultimate triumph of Republican government on this continent.

If the great mission of the American people is to give to the world a system of law and government most compatible with individual development—personal liberty—here in these Gulf States, on the great future highways of travel and commerce between the East and West, let us plant ourselves, where all the benefits and appliances of modern civilization are attainable.

From this point easy communication may be had with the millions of our race in the West Indies, Brazil and Africa, and as a component part of the great American people, we are now fully incorporated with the prosperity or failure of this nation.

The benefit of the Homestead Act should be persistently agitated among our people. No people can be said to be independent and civilized who do not own the soil they till. Free schools, free soil, and free men, are indispensable to free government in this country. The herding of laborers, as in common to the old plantation system, without the benefits and blessings of a well ordered home, perpetuates many of the worst evils of slavery, and utterly destroys freedom of thought and action.

Small farms, mixed industries, are the needs of the South, before our beautiful country is covered with villages and towns, as Massachusetts and Vermont.

Earnestly hoping that abundant success may crown the action of this Convention, permit me to subscribe myself,

Your, for Liberty, Equality and Fraternity,

JONATHAN C. GIBBS,

Secretary of State of Florida.

On motion of Mr. ANTOINE, the letter was ordered to be spread upon the minutes of the Convention.

Mr. TURNER, of Georgia, presented a letter from Dr. R. J. Cromwell, a delegate from the State of Louisiana, and requested that it should be read to the Convention.

The communication was read and referred to the Committee on Communications and Resolutions:

NEW ORLEANS, October 15, 1871.

To the President and Members of the Southern States Convention:

GENTLEMEN— By the request of a call for a Southern States Convention, and the authority of our State Convention, held at the city of New

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Orleans, Louisiana, on the 11th day of August, 1871, for the purpose of electing delegates to said Convention, I have the honor of being elected a delegate to represent the first Congressional District, State of Louisiana, in said Convention. But circumstances over which I have no control prevent me from attending in person. I, therefore, authorize H. M. Turner, President of the Georgia State Convention, to act as my proxy, and suggest a few topics for consideration, hoping you will bring them before the Convention:

1st. We should effect some organization by which we may effect a union among the various castes of persons of African origin and negro descent, by league or otherwise.

2d. A Homestead Bureau and Emigration Association

3d. Establish a day we should celebrate as national day of our emancipation and enfranchisement.

4th. I would recommend the organization of negro Republican political clubs throughout the Southern States, and say to the Republican party: Come upon our platform; we have advanced from equality before the law, to equal public privileges, that is, the free exercise of the right of a citizen upon all common carriers on the national highways, namely: steamboats upon the rivers, ships upon the high seas, railroads that receive their charters, or aid, from the United States Government. Make it an issue before the people.

5th. The election of at least half of the members of Congress from the Southern States should be of our race. This should be strictly impressed upon the minds of the delegates. Also the election of President Grant, in 1872.

6th. Declare a name for our race, that will apply to the whole people of African origin and negro descent. We are negroes—not colored people. We are not Indians, Chinese, Malays, or Mexicans; we should be called "negroes." WE are, in this country, American citizens of negro descent, and should be proud of the name, and hurl the polite American phrase, "colored person," from us, and say to the one that uses it, "I am a negro." Let us respect our ancient name as much as the whites do the name of Saxon, Celt, Latin.

You will please read this epistle to the Convention, and have it put upon the minutes, if the Convention deems it necessary.

Gentlemen of the Convention, you have my best wishes, and I trust your Convention may be of great benefit to our race.

(Signed) R. J. CROMWELL

Mr. QUARLES moved a reconsideration of so much of the resolution relative to the appointment of Committees on special subjects as relates to the Committee on Rules.

The motion was agreed to.

On motion of Mr. QUARLES, the rules of the House of Representatives of the United States Congress, so far as applicable, were adopted as the rules for the government of this body.

Mr. PRICE, of North Carolina, introduced the following resolution, which was agreed to:

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Resolved, That the President appoint a Committee of five on Resolutions and Communications.

Mr. TURNER moved that this Convention adjourn, and stand adjourned until tomorrow at 11 A. M.

After debate, by Messers. Whipper, Pinchback and Turner, the question was taken on agreeing to the motion to adjourn, and decided in the negative.

Mr. ELLIOTT, of South Carline, rose to a question of privilege, affecting himself, he said, not only as a member of the Convention, but as a citizen of the Unites States—not only as a private citizen, but as a public servant, selected by the people whom he had the honor to represent. It had recently come to his knowledge, that a report had been circulated among the members of the Convention, by an irresponsible agent of a faction of the Republican party, whose course had been such as to carry from one portion of the country to the other a spirit of dissension and of faction. When chosen an humble representative of the people of this State, to take part in the deliberations of the Convention, he had thought to meet here friends of his race, whose only aim or object was to endeavor to bring about that feeling harmony and unity that would make their meeting a success; but he now found it became him, at this early stage of the Convention, to call attention to the irresponsible statements set in circulation by wholly irresponsible agent. It had been alleged that he was an opponent of the Federal Administration of the Government of this country, and for that reason there should not be extended towards him that consideration that is due, not only from one member of this body to another, but one common among gentlemen. He did not think it necessary to set himself right or vindicate his position, before the people of the State who had so often honored him with their confidence, and but their voice, elevated him to positions of honor and trust amongst them. He did not deem it necessary to vindicate his position before his colleges, who now sit in the Convention, because he was too well known amongst them. It was unnecessary for him to enter into a vindication of his course in the past, before those who had sat side by side with him in the legislative branch of the Government of the country. But he felt it a duty he owed to every gentlemen from other sections that he should, as a member of his body, as a man, and as a gentlemen, brand this falsehood with the censure and condemnation that it deserves. "I have stood," said Mr. Elliott, "by the Republican party, not because it was the Republican party in name, not because I, as an individual, received any position of trust or of honor from that party, but because, in my heart of hearts, and soul of souls, I believe honestly and conscientiously in the principles of that party. I stand here, whilst making this avowal, to sat that I am not lied to any faction or any

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individual in the party, and that if any person, whether he be at the head of the party or not, shall have, in my opinion, proved recreant to the best interests of that party, I shall not hesitate, by reason of any rewards, or on account of any fear or favor, to state the fact. It has been asserted that I am an anti-Grant man—that I am opposed to the Federal administration, as it exists at this time. I desire to call the attention of gentleman from other States to my position; and I feel fully assured that my colleagues from my own State will bear me out, and that the people of my own commonwealth will assert the truthfulness of what I say, when I state that there is no man with equal means at his disposal, with equal advantages, with equal endowments, who has done more to sustain the present Federal administration than I have done in my humble capacity. I have stood side by side with the patriotic men of this State, in supporting the Republican party of the Union. I have met dangers in common with others of South Carolina. I have been often in the State of Georgia, to raise my voice in behalf of that administration, and in support of the very man whom it has been charged by this irresponsible agent I am opposed to. In 1868, in common with every other Republican, I perilled all for his support. We did it at a time when this false, foul, irresponsible agent had no vote to give him. We stood side by side, then, as we have stood to the present time, for that administration. When others faltered, we stood firm. I will call attention to the fact that, whilst it has been alleged here that I am opposed to His Excellency the President of the United States, that it has not been a month since in yonder Senate Chamber, in a Convention of the State Central Committee of this State, I raised my voice in behalf of that administration, and called on my friends and co-laborers to endorse, in a communication, its course. I was the bearer of that communication to His Excellency, and had the honor of presenting it to him. Have not my course and my labors during the short time that I have served in the body to which I have the honor to belong, through the suffrages of my fellow-citizens in this State, been a sufficient vindication, and shown that not only am I a friend to my own race, but an ardent supporter to the Republican administration? Have I not, in common with my honored colleague who sits on my left (Mr. Rainey), in common with my honored friend who sits on my right (Mr. Walls), raised my voice, not only in behalf of the people of the Congressional District I represent, not only in behalf of the people commonwealth of South Caroline, but restricted by no territorial limit, have I ever been wanting, when the opportunity offered, to raise my voice in defence of the rights of my people in every part of this country? Questions affecting the District of Columbia, too, found in me an ardent supporter, and I have ever been a hard worker for the welfare of others' constituencies. I feel that the members of this Convention will

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pardon me for consuming their valuable time to vindicate myself, when, after having done all that I could, I am to be now branded by an irresponsible agent, having his own personal ends to serve, in bringing up parties unknown to us, and probably unknown to the large majority of the Republican party, for endorsement by this Convention. I am denied, by circumstances that surround me, the power of summoning to my aid fitting language to present my feelings, and whilst vindicating myself, show up the mendacity and falsification of the irresponsible individual who put that rumor in circulation. I came here asking nothing at the hands of the Convention; but simply as a representative man amongst my people, I would be permitted to mingle my voice with yours, and submit what I might be able to suggest for the well-being of the colored people throughout the length and breadth of the country. That has been my only ambition, and I feel that wherever my name has traveled throughout the length and the breadth of the land, among all steadfast Republicans, my name will find a place and welcome.

"I will not detain the Convention longer, but will simply content myself with the statement of these few facts, which can be verified by those who sit around me, and leave this mendacious, irresponsible agent, base calumniator, and vile coiner of groundless fabrications, to reflect upon his course, knowing, if his heart is capable of feeling the sensations of repentance, or his conscience or experiencing the sting of remorse, how he must now feel. I would that this creature were either hot or cold; but as he is neither hot nor cold, but has become lukewarm, I spew him out of my mouth, and leave him to wallow in that ignominy, and sink into that oblivion, that so eminently becomes him.

With these remarks, Mr. Chairman, I leave the subject."

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, the Convention then took a recess until 8pm.

At 8pm, the PRESIDENT resumed the Chair and called the Convention to order.

Mr. WALLS introduced the following Resolution, which was agreed to:

Resolved, That the regular hours of meeting of this Convention be ten o'clock A. M., and four o'clock P. M., until otherwise ordered by the Convention.

Mr. S.J. LEE moved that the following persons be invited to seats on the floor of the Convention, which was agreed to:

Hon. S. B. Thompson, of Columbia, South Carolina; Hon. Wm. J. McKinlay, of Charleston, South Carolina; Hon. Henry Cardozo, of Kershaw County, South Carolina; Hon. T. K. Sasportas, of Orangeburg Couty, South Carolina; Joseph Taylor, Esq., Wm. Simpson Esq.,

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James Davis, Esq., of Richland County, South Carolina; Hon. J. J. Wright, of South Carolina; Hon. W. E Johnston, of Sumter county, South Carolina.

Mr. J. T. RAPIER offered the following preamble and resolution, which was referred to the Committee on Communications and Resolutions:

Whereas this Convention has learned which unfeigned regret of the great destruction of life and property in Chicago, on the 9th and 10th instants, thereby entailing incalculable misery upon citizens thereof; and whereas, Chicago was one of those few progressive cities in the United States where persons of all nationalities could find employment without let or hindrance; and whereas we, the representatives of a large class of people, do remember the great Chicago Convention of 1860, that nominated the lamented Lincoln, who led us to a physical emancipation, and also the Convention of 1868, which nominated General Grant, who has led us to political emancipation; therefore, be it

Resolved, That as a practical expression of our sincerity, we raise five hundred dollars, and remit the same to the proper persons in Chicago, to be used for the benefit of suffering humanity, without any discrimination whatever.

The PRESIDENT announced the appointment of the following Committees, pursuant to the resolutions of the Convention:

Committee on Organization—H. M. Turner, of Georgia; Isaac Meyers, of Maryland; J. H. Johnson, of Arkansas, R. B. Elliott, of South Carolina; W. H. Harrison, of Georgia; J. H. Burch, of Louisiana, R. H. Cain, of South Carolina; Richard Nelson, of Texas; J. T. Walls, of Florida; W. H. Grey, of Arkansas.

Committee on Civil Rights—P. B. S. Pinchback, of Louisiana; B. A. Bosemon, of South Carolina, J. F. Quarles, T. G. Campbell, of Georgia, J. H. White, of South Carolina.

Committee on Outrages—J. T. Walls, of Florida, W. J. Whipper, of South Carolina; J. H. Deveaux, of Georgia, H. E. Hayne, of South Carolina; A. J. Flowers, of Tennessee, W. G. Johnson, of Lousiana, J. DeBruhl, of Texas; Alexander McCann, of Alabama, G. W. Price, of North Carolina; Wilson Cooke, of South Carolina, J. H. Johnson, of Arkansas, S. H. Scott, of Mississippi, T. A. Sykes, of North Carolina.

Committee on Education and Labor—J. H. Burch, of Louisiana, R. H. Cain, of South Carolina; F. C. Barbadoes, of District of Columbia; J. F. Quarles, of Georgia; J. T. Rapier, of Alabama; W. B. Nash, of South Carolina, Benjamin Geddes, of Louisiana.

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Committee on Address to the American People—R. B. Elliott, of South Carolina; J. M. Simms, of Georgia; Richard Nelson, of Texas; J. T. Walls, of Florida, Isaac Meyers, of Maryland, B. A. Bosemon, of South Carolina; F. C. Antoine, of LouIsiana.

Committee on Printing—J. H. Deveaux, of Georgia, R. H. Cain, of South Carolina; Isaac Meyers, of Maryland; H. E. Hayne, of South Carolina; H.M. Turner, of Georgia.

Committee on Finance—J. H. Rainey, W. J. Whipper, B. A. Bosemon, of South Carolina, C. L. Bradwell, of Georgia; H. E. Hayne, of South Carolina.

Committee on Emigration—R. H. Cain, of South Carolina, J. H. Johnson, of Arkansas; S. H. Scott, of Mississippi; L. W. West, of Georgia; F. C Antoine, of Louisiana, W. B. Nash, of South Carolina, W. H. Grey, of Arkansas, W. A. Golding, of Georgia.

Committee on Rules—P. B. S. Pinchback, of Louisiana; W. H. Grey, of Arkansas; J. F. Quarles, W. H. Noble, of Georgia.

Mr. ELLIOTT asked to be excused from serving on the Committee on Address to the American People, which was not agreed to.

Mr. MEYERS rose to a question of privilege, and denied certain reports that he had set in circulation rumors relative to the political opinions of certain members of the Convention.

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, Mr. Edwin Belcher, of Georgia, was added to the Committee on Civil Rights.

On motion on Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, Mr. S. H. Scott was added to the Committee on Outrages.

On motion of Mr. PRICE, Mr. T. A. Sykes, of North Carolina, was added to the Committee on Outrages.

On motion of Mr. DEBRUHL, the Convention was adjourned.

SECOND DAY

COLUMBIA, S.C., October 19th, 1871.

The Convention assembled at 10 A. M., and was called to order by the President, Hon. A. J. RANSIER.

Prayer by the Rev. Mr. CAMPBELL, of Georgia.

The roll was called, and, a quorum being present, the Convention proceeded to business.

The Minutes of yesterday were read and approved.

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Mr. ANTOINE, from Committee on Credentials, reported that they had examined the credentials of Mr. Edwin Shaw, of Tennessee, and W.H Grey, of Arkansas, and find that they are duly accredited delegates to this Convention.

Messrs. Shaw and Grey then took their seats as members of the Convention.

The PRESIDENT presented the following dispatch, which was ordered to be spread upon the Minutes:

WILMINGTON, DELAWARE, October18, 1871.

To the Southern States Convention:

Delaware sends greetings, and bids your Convention "God speed."

(signed) WM. Howard Day

Mr. RAPIER introduced the following resolutions, which were referred to the Committee on Resolutions and Communications:

1. Resolved, That this Convention endorse the administration of President Grant.

2. Resolved, that this Convention appoint a Committee, to consist of one from each State and Territory represented on this floor, to select a suitable person, to be supported by the members hereof, directly and indirectly, in the next National Republican Convention, as the choice of the colored people of the South, for the Presidency of the United States.

Mr. Belcher, of Georgia, intruded the following preamble and resolution, which was referred to the Committee on Resolutions and Communications:

Whereas, the civil rights of collared persons are invaded in many of the States, by an odious discrimination on railroads, steamboats, and other public conveyances under charters granted by the Legislatures thereof; and

Whereas, the power is reversed to the General Government to correct the wrong complained of, and to secure to every citizen equal privileges and immunities on the public highways; be it, therefore,

Resolved, That this Convention, representing the suffrages of nearly one million of voters, and four and a half millions of American citizens, respectfully urge upon Congress the passage of the Supplemental Civil Rights Bill, introduced in the Senate of the United States, by the Hon. Carles Sumner, of Massachusetts.

Mr. Quarles, of Georgia, offered the following preamble and resolution, which was referred to the Committee on Resolutions and Communications:

Whereas, the question of the annexation of San Domingo is now agitating the public mind; and whereas this is a question in which colored citizens of this country are vitally interested:

Resolved, That the colored citizens of the South, in Convention assembled, regretting those differences that have arisen between good men upon

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this subject, and utterly repudiating the use of any fraudulent means by which it may be accomplished, as an abstract question, we favor the annexation of San Domingo: Provided, That nothing in this resolution, shall be contracted as casting any reflections upon that great and good man, (Hon. Charles Sumner,) in his opposition to the manner in which such acquisition in sought to be accomplished.

Mr. SIMMS, of Georgia, offered the following resolution, which was laid on the table:

Resolved, That the ladies attending the sittings of this Convention as visitors be invited to seats upon the floor, instead of in the gallery.

Mr. WALLS, of Florida, introduced the following resolutions, and moved their immediate consideration:

Resolved, that the safety, as well as the advancement, of the colored people of the South, demands the preservation of the reconstructed State Governments, and laws upon which said Governments are based; and these blessings can only be assured, in the future, by the continuance in power of the Republican party.

Resolved, that whereas perfect unity of purpose and harmony of action, mutual confidence, and zealous co-operation between all classes in the party and both races is absolutely needful to insure success; therefore we deprecate all attacks upon any class within the Republican ranks, believing that those who have come among us from the North, and who have been faithful to Republican principles and to the Republican party in the past, can be safely trusted in the future.

Mr. QUARLES hoped that the consideration of the resolution would not be forced upon the Convention at this time. He objected to it in its present form. The resolution called upon the Convention, indirectly, to pledge itself to a political party. He claimed to be as good as a Republican as any member on the floor, but thought that the Convention should go no further than to pledge itself to the support of the principles of Republicanism. But the resolution says "Republican party."

He moved that the revolution be referred to the Committee on Resolutions.

The motion was not agreed to.

After further debate, participated in my Messrs. Campbell, Walls, Whipper, and Elliott,

The question was taken on agreeing to the resolution, and decided in the affirmative.

Mr. Grey, of Arkansas, introduced the following preamble and resolutions, which were referred to the Committee on Resolutions and Communications:

Whereas, in view of the general activity in the various States, consequent upon the importance of the coming political campaign of 1872, many very worthy representatives of the people have been pre-

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vented from attending upon the deliberations of this body; therefore, be it

Resolved, that equal justice may be done to all, and that each State may have the full weight of her influence in the deliberations of this body, that each State representation be allowed to cast its full vote, through its Chairman, on all the questions coming before the Convention.

Resolved, that the voting on all questions before the Convention shall be by States, each State being called in its alphabetical order, and the vote of each State announced by the Chairman.

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, the President was authorized to appoint a Committee of three on Rules for the government of this Convention.

Messrs P. B. S. Pinchback, W. H. Grey and J. T. Quarles, were appointed said Committee.

Mr. ELLIOTT presented a communication from James A. Taylor, and other gentlemen on Virginia, which was ordered to be spread at large on the journal.

COMMUNICATION

RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, October 15,1871

Hon. R.B. ELLIOTT, Columbia, South Carolina:

Dear Sir—We desire you to tender our greetings to the delegates who may be present at your very important convention, on the 18th instant, and, though their Chairman, express the deep regret we feel that duties and obligations of a very grave character, at our own doors, and around our own hearthstones, compel our absence.

We are upon the even of an exciting and important election in Virginia, involving issues so vital to our prosperity, and to our security, as to demand an answer from us, as sentinels on the ramparts, when the cry from below is heard, "watchman, tell us of the night?'

A Legislature is to be elected—a Republican victory is to be secured, that our grievances may be considered, our rights granted, our wrongs redressed. The education of our children, the right of the trial by a jury of our peers, the enforcement, by local legislation, of equal, civil and political rights and privileges; in fine, everything that the heart of a free man can hold as most dear, taxes our energies and faculties, and demands imperatively our presence, our influence, our votes. Important as may be the questions which it will be no less your province than your duty to discuss fully, and consider calmly, and fraught with consequences vast and momentous as your conclusions may be, a deep conviction of stern duty points out to us, at this critical juncture, another field of action, and another arena of contest. We must respond to the battle cry, when the storm and strife ranges wrathfully around our own immediate entrenchments. Treasonable Democracy, and its most truculent and dangerous ally—conservatism, so-called—flaunt their colors again boldly to the front, and encouraged by past successes, seek now to perpetuate, in this Old Dominion, the power they acquired at first, by force, by fraud, and by intimidation. Do you not realize, then, that even as we fell our hearts warming towards our brother, and our prayer and blessings are wafted

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Southward upon their acts and their heads, bidding them a cheery "God speed" in their labors of love and patriotism, our persons must remain here—our ballots must find their boxes.

But we are sure you will not charge us with officiousness or presumption, if, whilst expressing our deep concern in all matters affecting our race, which call for your consideration, and engross your attention, we suggest your profound consideration, and enlightened judgment, upon one or two subjects, which, in our opinion, overshadow all others. The first is the policy, if not necessity, of compulsory education, by National legislation, in those States of the South where free schools have not been established, or where the Constitutional clauses calling them into existence have been rendered practically useless and worthless by reason of antagonistic partisan legislation, as is the case in this State, where our enactments are but cobwebs, and our laws but as dead letters. Our reason, fortified by our experiences, assures us that we cannot afford the experiment of entrusting our educational hopes to the unfriendly hands and prejudiced minds of Democratic State Governments. A stronger and broader basis is called for; a more reliable and trustworthy guarantee of permanence is demanded; and we can conceive of no method so likely to obtain this consummation as that of placing this great question as we have done to others heretofore, under the protecting argus of the General Government. We throw out these brief suggestions, content to abide your decision. One other subject, and we shall have done. Promising that we do not, and shall not, ether into any lengthened or hackneyed arguments, involving the relations of capital and labor, we yet declare, in view of our relation to this subject, that the time of your honorable body could be well spent in devising ways and means whereby the one shall be protected and encouraged from the assailments and encroachments of the other, and placed upon a footing of self-protection.

To this end, a complete and extended system of labor unions should be devised and encouraged, and protective societies should everywhere be organized. there, once established and popularized, will not only enable us to contend successfully for our elevation, and combat sordid combinations against us, but they will also beget an independence of thought and action, encourage a spirit of thrift and industry, develop a degree of self-reliance, and thus eventually form a more potential guard and shield to our race, than the famed circle with which the Church of Rome has been want to invest its children.

Again, retreating our regret at our inability to meet and commingle with our brethren from other States, and expressing the hope, and cherishing the belief, that their acts will tend to hasten the day when right, and not might shall be the rule—when silly prejudice and unfounded caste shall sleep in a grave from whence there shall be no resurrection, and even-handed justice shall hold the scales, according to all men and all nations even according to their deserts.

We are truly your friends and brethren,

JAMES A. TAYLOR,

JOSEPH COX,

WM. S. BOWIE,

F.W. JACKSON,

LEWIS LINDSEY,

JOHN OLIVER,

In behalf of 3d Congressional District Virginia

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On motion of Mr. SIMMS, the Committee on Resolutions were requested to report this afternoon upon the resolution relative to representation, introduced by the member from Arkansas.

On motion of Mr. BELCHER, the President was requested to appoint an Assistant Secretary.

Pursuant to the above motion, Mr. George E. Paris, of Louisiana, was appointed Assistant Secretary.

Mr. TURNER moved that the Convention adjourn at 2 P.M. and stand adjourned until 10 A.M. tomorrow.

After debate, participated in Messrs. Burch, Elliott,Grey, Bosemon, Rainey, and Belcher, the question was taken on agreeing to the motion of the member from Georgia, and decided in the negative.

On motion of Mr. WEST, the Convention adjourned until 4 P.M.

EVENING SESSION.

The Convention assembled at 4:30 P.M

Mr. WALLS, of Georgia, in the chair.

Mr. PRICW, from the Committee on Resolutions, reported back the resolution relative to representation in the Convention, introduced by the member from Arkansas, with a recommendation that the resolution be amended so as to read, "that the voting States be taken only on a motion by the delegate proposing the question to be voted upon;" and that the resolution, as amended, be agreed to.

After debate, participated in by Messrs. Belcher, Grey and Simms, the question was taken on agreeing to the amendment, and decided in the negative.

On motion of Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, the report was laid on the table.

Mr. QUARLES introduced the following resolution, which was considered immediately, and agreed to:

Resolved, That when the convention meets tomorrow, no business be entertained, except the reports of the several Committees.

Mr. DeBRUHL, of Texas, offered the following resolution, which was referred to the Committee on Rules:

Resolved, that no member be allowed to speak more than once on the same subject, nor for a longer time than ten minutes.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, introduced the following resolutions, which were referred to the Committee on Resolutions and Communications:

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Resolved, That this Convention hereby affirms an unswerving devotion to the great principles of the Republican party.

Resolved, That we send greetings to the several States bordering on the Eastern and Western Oceans from which have so recently come the joyful tidings of Republican victories.

Resolved, That we heartily endorse the successful Administration of President Grant, viewing with no less satisfaction his victories in peace than his victories in war, in the reduction of taxation, in his Administration of Foreign and Indian affairs, and in his faithful carrying out the policy of the progressive Republican party.

Resolved, that U. S. Grant is our choice as the standard bearer of the Republican party in the in the important campaign of 1872.

Resolved, That the delegates from the various States represented in this Convention be instructed to urge upon the colored people of the Southern States the importance of education, patient industry, and temperance, the acquisition of lands and homes, with a view to becoming independent and self-supporting citizens of this great country.

On motion of Mr. GREY, of Arkansas, the Convention took up from the table, for consideration, the resolution relative to the ratio of representation in the Convention, with the amendment, as reported by the Committee.

Mr. GREY said:

As far as the amendment is concerned I have no objection to it. In regard to the resolution, I think it is of the utmost importance that the States represented in this Convention should be fully represented, as far as the casting of their vote according to the ratio of representation as set forth in the call. That I think necessary, for the purpose of giving us that equality and influence that will allow us to take an equal stand. Then it will settle another question. I have been informed that there are delegations in the Convention having double their representation. How are we to get at a just and equitable expression of the Convention, if one portion of the States is doubly represented, and the others scarcely represented at all? There must be some system. Equality of representation is the only system, and one that lies at the foundation of Republican Government. I cannot see what objection gentlemen can have to that resolution which equalizes representation, especially gentlemen who are in the same condition as myself, only partially represented. Numbers of worthy men have been prevented from attendance by causes over which they had no control. If it were not intended to have equal representation, why did we have a suggestion in the call relative to the ratio of representation? Then, to preserve that equality, as laid down as between the delegations representing the various States, all I ask is, that each State represented be allowed to cast the full vote of representation it has upon this floor. I am sorry that I have been deeply impressed with the want of justice, upon the part of my colleagues and the efforts made on this floor to overslaugh this matter. This is not a nominating Convention. If it was, perhaps there would have been more interest taken in the matter. I believe, with other gentlemen, that there are grave and important matters to come before this

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Convention, and, unless there is more harmony of feeling, there will be very little done. If gentlemen had a just appreciation of their duties, and the value of their time here, it seems to me they would come here with graver countenances, with their minds filled with properly digested ideas, and be ready to go before the Committees, to give them the benefit of their cogitatious. In the country in which I reside, these questions are of vital importance : questions of education, and of the progress of the rising generation. These questions lie near the heart of every colored man in Arkansas, and they are expecting that something will be done, by this Convention, to give an impetus to the education of the rising generation. Another question, which stands pre-eminent, is the question of remedies for the outrages upon the colored people of the South. Each man of this Convention must stand by his vote. I am not prepared to accept the declaration or action of this Convention upon this subject, unless I am given the right to shoulder the whole responsibility, and cast the full vote of the State from which I come, and, having done that, I am prepared to go home and assume the responsibility. Without I am thus represented I am not disposed to believe that we have been justly and fairly dealt by. Each State should stand the equal of all and the peer of none. I trust the Convention will adopt the resolution.

Mr. WHIPPER, of South Carolina, said:

Mr. President—Since early this morning I have been silent and gladly would have remained so, if I could do it without injustice to myself or those I represent. But it seems to me these discussions, and discussions entirely worthless in their character, have consumed the time of this Convention. I did not oppose this resolution. I looked upon it as unnecessary, in the first place, and I think I can clearly show it is unjust now. The gentleman comes here one day after the Convention has been in session, and I beleive there are other members behind. It is no fault of mine—no fault of any member of this Convention—that they are not here, nor could we accord to him the right to vote for those who, perhaps, for reasons best known to themselves, have chosen to stay at home. We do not know how they would vote if they put in an appearance. It is to be remembered that this is not a Convention of States; it is not a Convention based upon the population, Arkansas would have had but one, and upon that basis, is overruled here. South Carolina, with her twelve representatives, has over six hundred thousand ; Louisiana has over three hundred thousand ; Arkansas has but a handful, who are as well represented here as any State in this Convention. The resolution, by its very terms, is unequal.

After further debate, participated in Messrs. Whipper, Grey and Burch,

Mr. BURCH moved to lay the amendment reported by the Committee on the table.

The question was taken on agreeing to the motion by the member from Louisiana, and decided in the affirmative.

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The question recurred on agreeing to the resolution.

Mr. WALLS, of Florida, said:

He favored the adoption of the resolution as but just and proper, not only to the State of Florida, but to Arkansas. He was instructed, by letter, to represent and cast the votes of two gentlemen, elected in his State as delegates, who were unavoidably absent from the Convention.

On motion of Mr. QUARLES, of Georgia, the resolution was re-committed to the Committee on Resolutions and Communications.

On motion of Mr. QUARLES, the following gentlemen were invited to seats on the floor of the Convention:

Hon. M. R. Delaney, His Excellency Gov. R. K. Scott, Hon. L. Wimbush, Bishop J. M. Brown, Hon. J. S Mobley, Hons. S. P. Farr, Hon. J. W. Meade, Hon. C. M. Wilder, Hon. H. J. Maxwell, Hon. J. A. Greene, Hon. C. W. Montgomery, and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, and all other State officers.

Mr. BURCH introduced the following, which was referred to the Committee on Resolutions:

Whereas these exists in the Southern States, as one of the consequences of the institution of slavery, an organized land monopoly, which is baleful alike to domestic and national prosperity; and whereas extensive combinations have been entered into by the land owners in the South, for the purpose of maintaining said land monopoly, pledging themselves to sell not a foot of land, implements of agriculture, or a farm animal, to the late emancipated people of the South, with the willful and malicious design of keeping the late emancipated people in the South in as dependent a condition as possible—individually, socially and politically; and whereas, so long as this land monopoly prevails, the avenues of prosperity and personal independence are closed against the late emancipated people, the laboring millions of the South; and whereas this spirit of land monopoly exists, to a great extent, in the State of Tennessee; therefore,

Resolved by the Southern States Convention, That every possible legitimate means be taken by the laboring masses of the country to overthrow this cruel barrier to our progress—the monstrous land monopoly of the South.

Resolved, further, That this Convention earnestly recommend to our people, located in State where this spirit prevails, to accept the kind invitations extended by the representatives in this Convention from Florida, Texas and Arkansas, to emigrate to those States, where good land in abundance can be obtained without let or hindrance.

Mr. BOSEMON introduced the following resolutions, which were referred to the Committee on Education:

Whereas the educational facilities in the State of South Carolina, and perhaps in the other Southern States, are not such as the situation, condition and wants of the people demand; and whereas a lack of means on the one hand, and some mismanagement and neglect on the part of those

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to whom educational matters were entrusted one the other, has rendered it impossible to furnish for our youth such opportunities for acquiring knowledge as they require; therefore, be it

Resolved, That the committee on Education be requested to present to this Convention a plan upon which to base a plain, practical and inexpensive system of education, embracing such features of the common school system of the North as may be adapted to our wants.

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Mr. BURCH, from the Committee on Education, reported progress, and asked for further time.

Mr. RAINEY, from the Committee on Finance, made the following

REPORT:

The Finance Committee, having had under consideration the expenses necessarily connected with this body, beg leave respectfully to submit the following report:

For printing proceedings... $200 For Sergeant-at-Arms, Doorkeepers and Pages... 50 Incidental expenses... 80

Total... $330

Your Committee find that there are present in the Convention forty-four (44) members. It is therefore necessary that each should be assessed $7.50, to enable them to raise the required amount, viz: $330.

(Signed) J. H. RAINEY, Chairman.

Mr. Grey moved that the report be agreed to.

After debate, participatad in by Messrs. Rainey, Grey, Nash and Belcher,

On Motion, of Mr. NASH, the report was ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. PRICE, from the Committee on Resolutions, to whom was recommitted a Resolution relative to giving each State the number of votes to which it is entitled, reported back the same, with a report that they had had the same under consideration, and recommended that it do pass, as follows:

Whereas, in view of the general activity in the various States consequent upon the importance of the coming political compaign of 1872, many very worthy representatives of the people have been prevented from attending upon the deliberations of this body; therefore, be it

Resolved, That equal justice may be done to all, and that each State may have the full weight of her influence in the deliberations of this body, that each State's representatives be allowed to cast her full vote, through their chairman, on all the questions coming before the Convention.

Mr. CAMPBELL, of Georgia, offered the following as a substitute:

Resolved, That we recognize all the delegates now enrolled as members of this Convention, each entitled to a vote on all question that may be brought before this body.

Resolved, That each member of this Convention have an equal vote, the same as each member of the House of Representatives of the United States, with the privilege of casting the full vote of his delegation, if on the roll of this Convention, unless without this city or absent without leave.

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taken sides with, and given their undivided support to the National Republican Party, believing that to that great party, if to any political source they owe any allegiance, they are most largely indebted, and great and untiring efforts are being made to disintegrate them from their allegiance, and that the opponents of free government are using every means in their power to draw the veil of prejudice over the eyes of the more ignorant of our race, to the extent of laying bare to the public mind the individual peculations of the officers chosen by them to fill high positions, and by charging the grossest crimes, without proof, against the party; and the whole course of its opponents has been to censure the Republican party for the sins and iniquities of individual members, and, failing in this, have resorted, and continue to resort to the most flagrant violations of law and humanity, and the most dastardly outrages, for the purpose of intimidating our people, and, for this purpose, have actually formed, in the various States, organizations known as "Ku Klux Klans," composed of men who, traitorously to the Union, carried on a bloody war for four long years, to establish an independent Southern Confederacy, whose corner stone should be the perpetual slavery of ourselves, our children and our children's children, for generations yet unborn, and who, at Andersonwille, and Fort Pillow, and Milliken's Bend, starved and butchered the champions of liberty without number, that the sacred fires of liberty kindled in our breasts under a free government might be forever quenched; therefore, be it

Resolved, That, as the representative men of our race, assembled in Convention from every portion of the Southern States, we believe that, through good or evil report, our highest allegiance under Heaven is due to the National Republican Party of America.

Resolved, That the present Republican party, based as it is upon the principles of perfect civil and political equality, merits our individual and undivided support and adherence.

Resolved, That, while there are corrupt, mercenary men in all political parties, we believe that there are good and true men in the Republican party of the South.

Resolved, That we do not intend to go outside of our party to find honest men, whilst we have them in our own party, and that only honest and tried men shall be nominated for office; and we call upon our people throughout the South to give them their undivided support.

Resolved, That, trusting high Heaven, and deploring the loss of the good and loyal men who have fallen victims of lawless violence for their political opinions, and calling upon the righteous Judge of the Universe for protection, we pledge ourselves and our constituents to stand as one man for the National Republican Party of America, so long as it maintains its present principles.

Resolved, That we have no confidence in the professions of pledges of the Conservative Democratic New Departure movement, and no amount of lawlessness or intimidation can compel us to give it one moment's support.

Mr. TURNER introduced the following:

Whereas it is rumored that Northern brethren and fellow-citizens are apprehensive that assembly of the Southern States Convention is

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On motion of Mr. ELLIOTT, the report was recommitted to the Committee on Finance.

The PRESIDENT requested the chairman of each delegation to hand to the Secretary a list of names of the delegates elected from their respective States.

Mr. WHIPPER moved to postpone the assessment for the payment of the expenses of the Convention until the enrollment of delegates shall have been completed.

After debate. participated in by Messrs. Whipper and Grey, the question was taken on the motion of the member from South Carolina, and decided in the affirmative.

On motion of Mr. JOHNSON, of Louisiana, the Convention, at 3 P.M., adjourned.

AFTERNOON SESSION

The Convention re-assembled at 5 P.M., and was called to order by Mr. JOHNSON of Arkansas.

The roll was called, and, a quorum answering the their names, the Convention proceeded to business.

Mr. SYKES, of North Carolina, introduced the following, which was referred to the Committee on Education:

Resolved, That this Convention recommend to the early consideration of Congress the establishment of a system of national education, the regulation of which shall be under the direct control of Congress.

On motion of Mr. DeBRUHL, of Texas, the reporters of the press were invited to seats on the floor.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, introduced the following preamble and resolution:

Whereas, there has been a growing desire upon the part of the people of the South to put forward the name of some prominent citizen of the Southern States for the position of Vice President of the United States; and whereas, in the administration of the affairs of the State of Arkansas, as its Executive officer, Governor Powell Clayton, now United States Senator, by his firm and just execution of the laws, has placed his State in the front rank of the reconstructed States, therefore, be it

Resolved, That we hereby endorse the course of ex-Governor Powell Clayton, and respectfully recommend him to the consideration of the National Republican Convention as a candidate for the Vice Presidency of the United States of America.

Mr. DeBRUHL, of Texas, introduced the following, which was referred to the Committee on Emigration:

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Whereas, the State of Texas is one of the largest and wealthiest States of the United States of America; and whereas, we, the people of Texas, without distinction of race or color, do cordially invite emigration of the people from the different States of the United States to come and share with us, and take part and parcel of our gold and silver domain; therefore, be it

Resolved, That the people of Texas be requested to furnish all possible information sought by all parties wishing to emigrate to that State.

Mr. PRICE, from the Committee on Resolutions, reported on the resolution introduced by the gentleman from the District of Columbia, that the Committee had had the same under consideration, and recommended that it do pass.

Laid over for considerations.

Mr. FLOWERS, from Tennessee, offered the following, which was referred to the Committee on Resolutions:

Resolved, That a Committee of five be appointed by the chair to wait on the different railroad superintendents in the City of Columbia, South Carolina, to ascertain whether or not the members of this Convention can procure tickets at any reduced price, in returning to their homes; and that said Committee shall report to this Convention, as soon as possible, what reduction can be obtained.

Resolved, That these resolutions be referred to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. CAIN, of South Carolina, introduced the following, and asked a suspension of the rules, that it might be considered immediately, which was granted:

Whereas, we believe that it would be gratifying to many in this community to attend a public meeting under the auspices of this Convention, and thus enjoy the pleasure of hearing some of the distinguished gentlemen in our midst; therefore, be it

Resolved, That this morning, and that of to-morrow, (Saturday,) be set apart for addresses before the public; and the Finance Committee be requested to make necessary arrangements to carry this resolution into effect, and thus afford an opportunity to those who may be desirous of contributing to the support of the Convention.

After debate, participated in by Messrs. Deveaux, Ransier, Cain and Rainey, the question was taken on agreeing to the resolution, and decided in the affirmative.

Mr. ANTOINE introduced the following, which was considered immediately, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the rules be so amended as to limit the time for speaking to ten instead of fifteen minutes.

On motion of Mr. Quarles, the Convention proceeded to the consideration of the report (favorable) of the Committee on Resolutions on the resolutions introduced by Mr. Barbadoes, which were as follows:

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to Republicanism. I adore and revere the principles of the Republican party ; and I maintain that the party that places upon its banner "civil and political equality" is the party for us. We have no guarantee that the Republican party is going to do this. It may be said that I am a heretic. It may go out of this Convention that I have made a Democratic speech. My complexion indicates that I must, of necessity, be a lover of those principles; that I must, of necessity, sustain them. But I am not bound, in consequence of that, to support the Republican party. I was glad to hear my friend say that the dissensions were not due to colored men, but to adventurers bent upon getting position at any cost. They have come here from other States and sown these dissensions. The colored people of these States will always vote right.

Mr. GIBBS—I desire to ask the gentleman where he finds Republican principles outside of the Republican party?

Mr. BOSEMON—We are not here in a political capacity at all. The gentleman who offered this resolution did so for the purpose of renewing, perhaps, the fidelity of this people to the Republican party. I maintain that the party, after all, is of no consequence to us, but the principles that happen at this time to form a component part of the Republican party, or the party itself. I am now dealing with the party. I say we have no business to ally ourselves with this party as a party, but with the principles that underlie it. I hope the gentlemen of this Convention will not debate this resolution.

Furthermore, I hope no resolution will be adopted tying this Convention to any particular man or set of men, or looking to the endorsement of any future administration. That I am in sympathy with the present administration, I am willing to admit; but I do not intend, as far as my vote goes, to do anything that will anticipate the action of a future Convention that may meet here. I want to ask the Convention to do all it can towards the development of the material interests of the Southern people. They need your attention, your counsel. There is amply scope for intelligence and talents in this direction. I beg you, one and all, to look after this matter. Let us show ourselves worthy representatives of our people. Let us consider the great question of education of our people. A resolution has been introduced by myself looking to the development of some plan for a practical scheme upon which we can base a system of education adapted to the wants of this people. I have heard nothing of that whatever; nothing about the subject of education, without which they cannot hope to emerge from the condition they are in today.

Mr. PINCHBACK, of Louisiana, said:

I am very glad to have an opportunity to say a word or two on this resolution, because it was circulated here to some extent, on my arrival, that I was not in sympathy with the Administration and the Republican party. The man who asserted that P.B.S. Pinchback was not in favor of the Administration or the Republican party, told an infamous falsehood, and knew it to be so when he stated it. I cannot be so parliamentary as to honey my words. I might be more dignified, but my indignation will not allow me. I would like to know what information gentleman have to lead them to the conclusion that I am not in favor of the

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Administration or the Republic party. Where, in the whole course of my life, can they point to one act that will warrant such a belief? I have, from the very commencement of my political life, voted the regular ticket, even when I know some men on the ticket were despisable scoundrels. Yet I was so true to the party that I swallowed that dose, objectionable as it was to me. In the face of these facts, where was the evidence? What was the cause of those gentlemen making these assertions? But asI will not have an opportunity to go into an elaborate argument, I will say, in justification of the remarks made by the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Quarles) that it seems to me a man cannot have an independent opinion in the Republican party. That gentleman said nothing, that I know of, that would render him liable to the charge of being anti-Republican. Every speaker that rose here jumped on my friend from Georgia.

The house of 8 P.M. having arrived, the Convention adjourned.

FOURTH DAY.

Columbia, S. C., October 21, 1871.

The Convention assembles at 10 A.M., and was called to order by the PRESIDENT.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

The roll was called, and, a quorum answering to their names, the Convention proceeded to business.

The Minutes of yesterday were read and confirmed.

On motion of Mr. BURCH, of Louisiana, the name of Hon. O.J. Dunn was added to the lists of delegates from Louisiana.

The PRESIDENT called for reports of Committees, &c.

Mr. J.H. DEVEAUX, from the Committee on Printing, reported progress, and asked for further time, which was granted.

Mr. RAINEY, from the Committee on Finance, made the following

REPORT:

The Finance Committee, to whom was recommitted their report, with instructions to lay an assessment agreeable to the additional names placed upon the roll, beg leave to submit the following report:

Your Committee find that there are at present on the roll of the Convention the names of names of fifty-five (55) members. To enable your Committee to raise $330 it is necessary that each member should be assessed $6, in order that the expenses of this body may be promptly met, for the following items of expense:

and it would be well to get the expression of the entire Convention in reference to such matters.

Mr. SCOTT thought the resolution should be considered at once. So much had already been referred to the Committees that they were very much behind the Convention. He was in favor of the resolution and its adoption.

Mr. SIMMS opposed the consideration of the resolution, and, moved its reference to the Committee. He thought the views of the members, as expressed in the various resolutions introduced, could be better digested by the Committees, and embodied in their reports to the Convention.

Mr. BURCH said he did not desire to make either the Convention or himself appear ridiculous; if he did so, it was an error of the head, and not of the heart. It was different from any resolution heretofore introduced. It simply returns a vote of thanks for favors received. If returning the thanks of this Convention to any department of Government for protection afforded, is going to make the Convention ridiculous, then they should be made ridiculous every day.

SPECIAL ORDER.

The PRESIDENT announced the hour arrived for the consideration of the special order, to wit:

Resolutions introduced by the member from the District of Columbia.

On motion of Mr. PINCHBACK, the further consideration of the special order was postponed to 2 P.M. this day.

SPECIAL ORDER.

The PRESIDENT announced the hour arrived for the consideration of the second special order, to wit:

Report of the Committee on Finance, on expenses of printing, &c, of the Convention.

On motion of Mr. DEVEAUX, the report was amended by striking out the words "five hundred," and inserting in lieu thereof the words "one thousand," so as to provide for the printing of one thousand copies of the proceedings.

On motion of Mr. DEVEAUX, the additional sum of $27.50 was added to the amount reported by the Committee on Finance, requisite for printing the proceedings of the Convention.

Mr. DEVEAUX, from the Committee on Printing, made the following

REPORT:

The Committee on Printing respectfully recommend that one thousand copies of the proceeding of the Convention, together with the rules, be printed for the use of the members of the Convention.

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The question was taken on agreeing to the report, and decided in the affirmative.

The Convention resumed the consideration of the resolutions of thanks introduced by the member for Louisiana.

After debate, participated in by Messrs. Quarles, DeBruhl, Nelson and Burch,

On motion of Mr. BURCH, the resolutions were referred to the Committee or Resolutions.

Mr. ELLIOTT, from the Committee on Address to the American people, made the following

REPORT.

The Committee on Address, to whom were referred the subject of preparing an address to be issued by this Convention to the American people, beg leave most respectfully to report that they have carefully and diligently considered the same, and recommend the adoption of the following address to the people of the United States of America.

(Signed) R.B. ELLIOTT,

Chairman of Committee.

ADDRESS.

In the Convention of the colored people of the Southern States, begun to be holden in the city of Columbia, South Carolina, on Wednesday, the 18th day of October, 1871.

To the People of the United States of America-

FELLOW-CITIZENS: The colored people of the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and the District of Columbia, have delegated to us their representatives, assembled in Convention, authority to give expression to their purposes, desires, and feelings, in view of the relation they sustain to the Government and people of the United States, under the course of events that has arisen since, and a consequence of, the war of rebellion.

We owe to Almighty God and the spirit of liberty and humanity that animates the great body of the people of this country the personal liberty and the rights of citizenship, that we enjoy and shall under the promptings of duty, labor for the permanence and perfection of the institutions that have served as the great instrument of consummating this act of justice.

In seeking more perfect recognition as members of the great political family to which the interests of humanity have been peculiarly committed, we desire to recognize our obligations and responsibilities as members of this great family, and to assure the American people that we stand among them imbued with a national spirit-with confidence in and devotion to the principles of representative popular government, and with ideas of policy that embrace every individual and interest of our common country.

The fruits of the great legal measures that were intended to establish our rights and interests on a common footing with all other citizens of

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REPORT:

The Committee on Outrages, to whom was referred the subject of outrages, beg leave to report that they have had the same under consideration, and report that no resolutions on outrages have been submitted to the Committee, but, from information furnished your Committee, they are convinced that some of the most brutal outrages have been committed in the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, and other Southern States, by an organized band, known as the Ku Klux Klan, for the sole purpose of intimidating the colored people in the exercise of their rights as citizens of the United States. This Klan have, on more than one occasion, murdered hundreds of helpless women and children, and driven many from their homes, thereby rendering them insecure in their rights. Jails have been opened and men taken therefrom and hung. Hundreds of our leading men have been murdered, and apparently no remedy applied. In many cases those who have the power to enforce the law have acted in sympathy with the Klan by countenancing their disloyalty, and not bringing said parties to trial, and, when compelled to do so by public opinion, have drawn men on the juries who are known to be members of said Klan, or in sympathy with them. In no instance have they been convicted, except in the State of North Carolina. Your Committee recognize and commend the action of President Grant in suspending the writ of habeas corpus in the State of South Carolina, as wise and beneficial to our race, and hope that by the prompt action of the United States authorities, the members of the Klan will be brought to speedy justice. (Signed)

J. T. WALLS, Chairman.

RICHARD NELSON,

W. G. JOHNSON,

S. H SCOTT,

J. H. JOHNSON,

H. E. HAYNE.

The question was taken on agreeing to the report, and after debate, participated in by Messers. Harrison, Belcher, Nash, Turner and Hayne, was decided in the affirmative.

Mr. CAIN, from the Committee on Emigration, made the following

REPORT:

Your Committee, to whom was referred the subject of Emigration, respectfully report that they have had the same under consideration. In reviewing this important subject, your committee have sought to elicit whatever might immediately concern those with whom they are identified, represented in this Convention. The emigration which mostly interests us, is that which must take place within the borders of the United States. The great changes which have taken place in our country, have changed the relations of society, and opened up new avenues to the development of the human mind. The former condition of the descendants of African ancestors, in this country, precluded their making choice of the States in which they might fix their domicils, and lay the foundation for a strong basis of a moral, social, political, intellectual, and religious character. The disadvantages barring their progress in

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successful demonstration of ability is the necessity of a higher degree of education among the masses. The farmer needs education to properly plant and make successful this operation. Wherever an enlightened peasantry is, there are the greatest evidences of success. Looking to the nations which are most prosperous and happy, we observe that their masses possess the cheering prospects of the homestead, the sacred joys of a free and secure fireside.

The great work of an advancing people should be to advance the means of education, which is the foundation of all the higher attainments of all prosperous nations. We call the attention of the Convention and of the nation to the following important facts in relation to the products of the great Southern States. We present the item of cotton, which is one of the greatest staples of Southern production, one which gives wings to a hundred millions of spindles, which employs over two hundred thousand hands, clothing the whole civilized world, and employing every means of commercial development. Taking the statistical report made to the general government, the following table presents a condensed view of the exports of American cotton, during the past forty-three years. It makes an aggregate of 26,464,000,000 pounds, and the exports prior to 1825 would bring the total contribution of America to the factories of Europe up to above 28,500,000,000 pounds.

The total of sea island cotton was 360,683,707 pounds. Upland cotton, 26,464,338,057 pounds. Value of cotton exports for the same period, $3,144,270,562. Value of cotton maufactures exported, $182,545,134.

It is conceded that this vast wealth forced from the Southern soil must have employed hands and muscle to accomplish such results—that muscle must have been found encased in the forms of the hardy sons of Africa or of African descent.

We say nothing of the vast sugar crop of Louisiana, the great rice crop of the South, the latter being 3,079,043 pounds, valued at $170,357, for the year 1868 alone. If such be the values connected with the Southern soil, what are the conclusions to which we must come as to the value of the great labor system of the South. If such have been the production, under a system of oppression, with the old and undeveloped modes of agriculture, what may not be done now under a free and enlightened cultivation, which is moving forward with lightning speed, diving the ploughshare of new ideas through every department of human activity, and transforming the world.

We call special attention to the subject of combining the various handicraftsmen into practical organizations, for the promotion of mechanic arts among our people, and a proper direction of the labor of the land. Among all enlightened peoples the laborers are so combined as to give directions and effectiveness to their trades. In the South the larger number of laborers and mechanics are colored, but they have no combination among them to give effective and proper direction to their labor. We recommend the formation of Mechanics' Unions throughout the length and breadth of the country; that every class of tradesmen form a Union of their craft, and fix their demands for proper compensation for their work; that these Unions be formed on the basis of savings institutions, for the purpose of accumulating a great moneyed power, by which they can control capital, manufactories, and compete with great

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This monster has reduced families from opulence to penury, virtue to degradation, and respectability to disgrace.

Your Committee is fearful that the march of drunkenness is on the increase; not more so among our particular race, they are happy to say than that of any other; nevertheless, more than is beneficial, especially when we consider their present political status. Instances can be cited where they have exercised the privileges of the ballot, to the detriment of themselves and their race, whilst under the baneful influence of intoxicating drink. At all hazards this should and must be resisted, for it is apparent to all that the augmentation of this destructive influence will have an indirect tendency to vitiate our political influence, thus leaving us but a few degrees from slavery -- its twin sister.

In connection with this point, it would be well to notice that the laboring classes in the South, who receive but a mere pittance for this labor, are not unfrequently cheated out of the remnants of a year's toil by first being made intoxicated and then invited to traffic -- this being so easily done, with an uneducation class of people, by flattery and persuasion. This, in a great measure, is the underlying cause of much trouble and our continual poverty.

In conclusion, your Committee regrets that sufficient time was not afforded to enable them to adduce statistics upon this most interesting subject. They would, however, suggest, to our people throughout these United States, the discontinuance of the use of ardent spirits, and especially its introduction into the household; believing that example is more powerful than precept.

Resolved, That it is the sense of this Convention that the degrading practice of intemperance should be discouraged by all legitimate means that can be brought in opposition thereto by the representative men of this country.

Resolved, That the delegates here assembled be, and they are hereby, requested to avail themselves of every given opportunity to present this important subject of temperance before the people and urge its acceptance.

Mr. TURNER introduced the following preamble and resolution, which was considered immediately, and agreed to:

Whereas the generous and patriotic citizens of Columbia have so cheerfully and cordially welcomed us to this city, and cheered our deliberations with their presence and cordial greeting; and whereas they have opened to us their houses, and hospitably entertained us while in this city; therefore, be it.

Resolved, That we tender them our hearty thanks for the same, and will ever cherish the remembrance of this occasion, while memory has a place, or reason holds sway.

Mr. PINCHBACK introduced the following preamble and resolution, which was considered immediately, and agreed to:

Whereas, the time fixed for the assembling of this Convention was very unfortunate, owing to the important canvasses going on in several of the Souther States, and the inability of many good men to attend, in

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consequence of the same; and whereas, many prominent colored men disapproved of said call, because they considered it sectional; therefore, be it

Resolved, That the President of this Convention be, and is hereby, authorized to call a National Convention of the colored people of the United States, to meet at the city of New Orleans, Louisiana, on the 2d Wednesday of April, 1872.

Resolved, That the representation to said Convention shall be two from each State or Territory at large, and one for each twenty thousand colored voters, and one for each fractional part over ten thousand, to be elected as the State may determine.

Mr. GIBBS introduced the following, which was agreed to:

Whereas it is the sense of this Convention, that the gratifying evidences everywhere discernible throughout the length and breadth of the late reconstructed States, of educational requirements, free thought and general intelligence among the lately emancipated freedmen, is largely due to the benevolence of individuals and various charities inaugurated in the Northern States for the education of the freedmen; therefore, be it

Resolved, That with heartfelt thanks we earnestly solicit a continuance of their very valuable moral and material aid; their moral aid, that the press and public sentiment of the country shall be in accord with this great work; their material aid, that, through the instrumentalities of the school house and Northern teachers, deep down in the hearts of our youth may be implanted those liberty-loving principles that have made our common country that crowning glory of the world.

On motion of Mr. BURCH, a vote of thanks was given to the Daily Union, for its impartial and faithful report of the proceedings of the Convention.

Mr. ELLIOTT introduced the following, which was considered immediately and agreed to:

Resolved, That this Convention tender its hearty thanks to the Hon. H. M. Turner, of Georgia, and Isaac Meyers, Esq., of Maryland, for their worthy and noble efforts in securing the assemblage of this body and making its deliberations a success.

Resolved, That the delegation from Georgia be requested to carry to the people of their State the earnest congratulations of this Convention for their conception of the grand idea that has brought us together, and that can only tend to cement the colored people of America into an harmonious brotherhood.

Mr. GREY introduced the following, which was considered immediately and agreed to:

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are due, are hereby tendered, to Lieut. Gov. A. J. Ransier, for the dignified manner in which he has presided over the deliberations of this Convention.

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And be it further resolved, That the Secretaries and other officers of this Convention receive our thanks for the satisfactory manner in which they have discharged their several duties.

And be it further resolved, That our thanks are hereby tendered to the good citizens of the city of Columbia for their generous hospitality, the kindly remembrances of which we shall preserve as souvenirs from those we love to honor.

And be it further resolved, That we tender our thanks to the Speaker of the House of Representatives of South Carolina, Hon. F. J. Moses, Jr., for his generous action in placing the Hall of said House at the services of said Convention.

Addresses were delivered by Hons. H. G. Worthington, J. J. Wright, P. B. S. Pinchback, R. H. Cain, W. H. Grey, J. H. Rainey and M. H. Turner.

In response to the resolution (by Mr. Grey, of Arkansas,) thanking him for the able and impartial manner in which he had discharged the duties of the Chair,

Hon. A. J. RANSIER, President of the Convention, responded as follows:

He thanked the Convention for the double compliment paid him—first by choosing him for their President, and next, for that vote of thanks extended to him by the Convention under the resolution of his friend from Arkansas, Mr. Grey. The President said the highest compliment that could, in his judgment, be paid to the Convention, was to be found in the Daily Union of yesterday, viz:

“All they ask is, to be allowed to work out their own redemption from the thraldom which encompasses them on almost every side. They ask to be allowed the same privileges which are extended to the laboring classes the world over; to enter the varied fields of industry, and there compete with their fairer skinned brethren, with no odds in their favor; to be allowed to acquire an education for themselves and their posterity, which shall make them useful and efficient members of society.

“In a word, they only ask to be treated like human beings, to be regarded as children of one common parent, who is no respector of persons, but who regardeth all men alike, whether born under the burning sun of the equator, or amid the frozen fields about the Arctic circle.”

He further said that he trusted that the Nation would now understand, (and quoted parts of the address to the American people on this point,) that while they met as a class, they only ask for civil and political equality, claiming no peculiar privileges and organizing against no other class of citizens. We seek, by thus coming together, that perfect organization by and through which our rights and principles may be more perfectly secured, and the Republican party of the country, to the extent of the colored vote, assisted in their onward march towards a more enlightened civilization.

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He reviewed the action of the Convention, touching upon the subject of labor, education, temperance, civil rights, &c., and congratulated the Convention that they had taken up these most important subjects, and treated them in the manner they did. He hoped that in all our struggles we would ignore North, South, East and West, so far as sections were concerned, and contribute toward the great cause of peace, liberty and law.

He reminded the Convention that in all they, as a race, say or do, they should remember their poverty, their numbers, and their inexperience, as compared with the more favored race composing the American body politic. He pronounced the Convention a success, and believed that all fair minded men would concede this to it.

After prayer by the Chaplain,

The Convention, on motion of Mr. TURNER, adjounred sine die.

A. J. RANSIER.,

President.

J.H. DEVEAUX,

H.E. HAYNE,

Secretaries.

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tion, but men had felt the sting of the serpent and would not be cajoled by its syren song, for

"Right well they knew and deemed it one

That freedom's sons should slay or shun."

And when its devotees discovered that neither persuasion nor menaces could impede the march of a better and higher civilization, they committed their cause to the arbitrament of the sword, and, after a terrible struggle, their social structure, with all its institutions, passed out of existence.

Another of the most distinguishing features of the old system was

A LANDED ARISTOCRACY

In considering the elements which entered into the composition of Southern society, as it formerly existed, we have not, as I conceive laid sufficient stress upon the fact that it presented many of the most odious features of the landed aristocracy of Europe.

No feudal baron ever gloated with more lordly pride over the possession of his feud and vassals than did the Southern land owner over his thousands of broad acres and towering forests. To dispose of his patrimony in any way; to cut it up so that it might come within the reach of his poorer neighbor, or to be compelled by force of circumstances to lose caste with his more fortunate compeer.

Nor were the effects of this system less baneful than those of the feudal system upon society in Europe. The land owners of the South did not, it is true, like the barons of the middle ages, lead their vassals against each other, despoiling them of their goods, and devastating the country, but laboring under a system that was antagonistic to every principle of our civilization--a system which ignored the use of scientific agencies, by which their impoverished lands might have been enriched--they led their slaves from place to place, impoverishing the country until many of the Southern States presented perfect pictures of desolation. And when this aristocracy felt its power weakened from the effects of the rapidly developing free labor of the North, and its own sluggish habits at the South, it began to clamor for more territory in which to extend its rule. And, for its benefit, we acquired Louisiana, Florida and Texas, but these were not sufficient to satisfy its rapacity.

But its effect upon the political status of these States was hardly less striking. Here, in South Carolina, where that system reached its highest perfection, it can scarcely be said that the masses of the people had any control whatever over the affairs of the State. Here it was that landed aristocracy reigned supreme, and it controlled every interest--social, as well as political.

It is sometimes said that this landed aristocracy was the outgrowth of slavery; but, when we remember that these were but the remnant of those old English ideas of royalty, we are safe in saying that slavery was an outgrowth of that system. Certain it is that slavery could never have maintained itself so long but for the existence of such a system. But, perhaps, we can no where find a more striking illustration of this system of aristocracy than among that clas of society known as the poor whites. Taught to believe that they were superior to the slave, and

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any country in the world. The only reason why we have not had a great influx of immigration and capital for the South, is that there has been a want of security for person and property; for capital and immigration will neither go nor remain where they are not protected. More than this, the laboring masses of the South are growing restless under the burden of these ghastly outrages, that have become so frequent that they are passed over with scarcely a comment. We hear of schemes of emigration and expatriation, in order that they may be relieved from the terrors of anon lawlessness and crime.

It would be sad, indeed, for the South, if these schemes could ever be practically realized. But I apprehend that is is not the proper method for solving this Southern problem.

What we must do is to insist that the laws for the protection of the citizen by rigidly enforced; that the perpetrators of those outrages against society be speedily brought to justice, and be made to suffer the penalty of their crimes. To this end, let us endeavor to inculcate a moral sentiment in the South in favor of law and order so strong and powerful that lawlessness and crime will not dare lift their dark forms to overshadow our fair land. Let us unite with the good and honest men of the South who are willing to assist in maintaining law and order, and who are willing sincerely to accept the new order of things, to forget the animosities and resentments of the past. Let us combine with them to suppress these outrages, and the spirit which produces and sustains them; that every one may be secured in the enjoyment of all his rights; that peace and prosperity may exist throughout the entire South.

Again, there is no more important question connected with the new order of things in the South than the question of labor. And there is no point that should be insisted upon with more earnestness than that.

THE LABORER SHALL BE JUSTLY REMUNERATED FOR LABOR PERFORMED

This question of labor is one of the most delicate, as well as one of the most pressing questions of the age; and, under the most favorable circumstances, it presents difficulties that puzzle the brain of the most astute statesman. How shall capital and labor be properly balanced? How shall the laborer be justly remunerated? These questions have given rise to the International Societies of Continental Europe, the Trades Union of England, and the Workingmen's Union of our own country.

If these difficulties exist where free labor has reached its highest perfection, we may reasonably expect to encounter greater difficulties here in the South, where free labor is accepted, not from choice, but from necessity, and with the most earnest protest. The minds of the Southern people, with the passions and resentments of the war still alive, and these aggravated by the stinging consciousness of defeat, are ill prepared to contemplate calmly the issues involved in this subject. With their sincere belief in the utter inadaptibility of free labor to their soil, they are led to resort to all manner of expedients to escape the disastrous effects of what they believe to be uncertain and unreliable labor. Yet, free labor must be maintained, secured, and developed, and the laborer must receive just compensation for services rendered. How can this be accom-

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plished? There are but two alternatives. Either the Southern people must protect and foster free labor, by giving it the means of developing itself, and justly remunerating the laborer, and thus rendering him contented, or the restless and discontented laborer will invoke the protection of the National Government, which will result in continual interference with the local affairs of these States, and lessen the respect of the nation for local self-government.

Certainly the former alternative is much to be preferred. No thinking man can doubt what will be the result, if a majority, or even any considerable portion of the Southern people, persistently refuse to recognize the exact state of this question. Yet we hear vague hints that labor must do as capital directs it, and vote as capital chooses that it shall. We say to the Southern people that this is a dangerous experiment. And if they persist in it, it will prove a slumbering volcano that will some day burst forth engulphing alike the capitalist and the laborer. Indeed, it will not do for the South to go another step in that direction. It will not do for the South to go on wasting its energies in useless efforts to preserve, as much as possible, the old system. It will not do for the South to keep up that confusion in the workings of this question that is now so apparent everywhere. We must have a just reciprocity between capital and labor. Labor must not wrong capital, neither must capital attempt to deprive labor of its just reward.

There are serious consequences involved in the proper adjustment of this question, and come home to us with more than ordinary force, from the fact that the greater part of our people are laborers. And we should demand of the Southern people, in view of the two hundred and forty years of unrequited toil; in view of the patient endurance of a people deprived of their natural rights; in view of their unexampled forbearance in the late struggle, when they might have lighted up the towns and cities of the South, and have spread desolation everywhere, that they shall now deal justly with our people. We hope it from their wisdom; we expect it from their policy; we claim it from their justice; we demand it from their gratitude!

Another vital element in the new order of things, is

AN UNTRAMMELLED BALLOT

Liberty is the grand corner stone of our new social structure, and where there is no free ballot there is no liberty.

The heretofore oligarchical tendency of Southern institutions has left a sentiment in the minds of the Southern people which, to say the least, is not very favorable to a free ballot. When, to this, we add the animosities and resentments engendered by the late struggle, the task of securing an untrammelled ballot in the South becomes complicated and extremely difficult. But the case is pressing, and the difficulties must be met and overcome. For, deny it as vehemently as they may, it is a fact, nevertheless, that in some localities in the South, such a thing as a free ballot is unknown. In many cases men are compelled to vote against their convictions of right, and in some instances they are driven from the polls and not allowed to vote at all.

How are these things to be remedied? Paper cannot do it. Parchment cannot do it. Mere legislative acts cannot do it. Already we

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have laws enough upon the statute books to protect the citizen in the enjoyment of every right. But experience teaches us that laws are powerless in the face of public sentiment. We must seek other means for the accomplishment of this object. We must invoke the moral sentiment of the people of the South. Do you say that this is a tremendous task? I answer that there are tremendous issues involved. Have faith, then, and hesitate not to employ moral agencies. For these, like divine promises, when properly understood and applied, will overcome every case of difficulty and distress.

We must impress upon the Southern mind the fact that the time has passed when oligarchy and aristocracy and caste could bear rule. Cause them to know that we live in an era when freedom of thought, freedom of action, and a free ballot, are deemed the priceless heritage of every man. Make them to realize that ours is a civilization of which untrammeled liberty, impartial suffrage and equal rights are the essential elements. And, if we shall apply ourselves earnestly to the task, who can say we shall fail? To the boatman who said it was impossible to brave the raging storm, William Tell, imbued with patriotic ardor, exclaimed: "I know not whether it be possible, but I know it must be attempted." That courage made his mission a success. And, if we are imbued with the same courage, I believe we will succeed. I believe that it is possible to arouse such a moral sentiment among the better classes of the Southern people in behalf of a free ballot that will be held as sacred as were the ancient divinities.

Still another principle, most vital to our new social system, is

EQUALITY OF RIGHTS TO ALL THE CITIZENS.

Some ancient writer has said that the first part of equity is equality. Thus, we may infer that, if there is inequality of rights, there can be no equity. If this be true, what shall we say of equality in the South? For, in whatever direction we go, whether it be in public places of amusement, in the street cars, upon the railroad, in the hotel, or in the wayside inn, we encounter the invidious distinction of caste and oligarchy. We cannot think of these things without impatience; we cannot speak of them without denouncing them as unworthy of an intelligent and humane people. Nay, we would be less than men if we did not everywhere, and under all circumstances, utter our earnest and solemn protest against this inhuman outrage upon our manhood.

Right well I know that legislative enactments alone cannot remedy these social evils. But there is a grant and a moral power in the spectacle of a whole people arising to assert their rights, and demanding justice, which can neither be overlooked or ignored. And now we ask the Southern people, in all candor, if we have not borne this species of oppression long enough? We are weary of being consumed by this moloch, caste; we are weary of being hunted down by the ghosts of the defunct system of slavery; we are weary of being treated as outcasts and strangers in the land of our nativity, and the home of our fathers; and we ask, as it is our right, that these odious discriminations shall cease. Too long already have they been allowed to bear sway in this country. And surely now the time has come when their influence

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should be destroyed ; the time has come when their power ought to be broken ; the time has come when they should perish from the land. To this end, I invoke the spirit of our civilization ; to this end, I invoke the sentiments of humanity ; to this end, I invoke the spirit which inspired the Declaration of Independence; to this end, I invoke those divine sentiments that animated the great and good of every clime and every age. Let the abominable crimes against humanity be buried in the grave of oblivion, and write upon their tombstone-no resurrection ; and, finally, it is essential to the success and permanency of our new social system that we have

A GENERAL DIFFUSION OF EDUCATION AMONG THE MASSES.

And this is the crowning glory of the new social structure, for Republican institutions pre-suppose intelligence and virtue. And where there is ignorance and superstition there can be no true liberty. Without the benign influence of education and morality all other appliances will avail nothing in the solution of this question. Modern history furnishes many painful instances of the baneful effects of ignorance and vice. Mexico, though nominally free, is a constant prey to revolutions and counter revolutions, because of the ignorance of its people. Spain pants after liberty and Republican institutions, but her people are too ignorant and debased to understand the principle, or to employ the means, by which they are secured and maintained. Russia, faithless to the instincts of human liberty and human progress, consigns her millions of semi-barbarian citizens to a hopeless ignorance, and then rules them with a rod of iron. France is even seeking after liberty and equality, but, being ignorant of their true meaning, she follows Napoleon to Sedan, and there receives the baptism of blood and fire, at the hands of the Commune. These lessons of history are full of solemn admonitions to us. We will be wise if we profit by their teachings. Do not be mistaken about this question of education. It is a three-fold problem within itself. I will not stop to discuss the relative duties of the State, the community and the parent. It suffices to say that it is a problem in the solution of which we are to take a most conspicuous part, and what nobler cast could be assigned to any generation of men, after a long, long night of ignorance and servitude ; the inauguration of a new era in the life of a people, to rise above the darkness of the past, to throw off all the obsolete notions engendered by long years of slavery and oppression, to join in the great work of advancing intelligence and virtue, to assist in the raising the social body to a higher level of civilization. Can there be a nobler mission committed to the charge of any people? Let us, then, dedicate ourselves to this great work. Let us clear away the rubbish of the past, and substitute and virtue in its stead. And soon the South, relieved of the incubus of slavery, and lifted out of her distress and confusion, by the intelligent and public spirit of her own people, will be marching abreast with the advancement of the world, to the achievement of the greatest of all ends--the amelioration of mankind.

CONCLUSION.

I have spoken to you upon these topics as they have been suggested to my mind. They seem to me to embrace the principal elements in this Southern question.

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Our people are vitally interested in the proper solution of this problem, and we must take an important part in its solution. We must assist in giving quiet and peace and order and prosperity to the whole South. To you, gentlemen, is committed that great and solemn duty of inaugurating a policy for a whole race. See that you act wisely, and act promptly. You have great obstacles to encounter and overcome. Against the new state of things is arrayed nearly all of the splendid talent of the South. Against the new order of things are arrayed nearly all the wealth and power in the land. Against the new order of things, are arrayed nearly all the press of the South. Yet these must be overcome. And I entreat you, colored men of the South, to enter upon this work without delay. If you act wisely you cannot over-estimate the importance of the results of your deliberations.

Strive earnestly to secure a hearty co-operation of all the patriotic and moral forces in the South, to secure the supremacy of law, to protect the equal rights of all, to put society on the road of progress and improvement. Do these things, and success is ours.

The motives that prompt us are all-imposing. Centuries look down upon us, overshadowing us with a cloud of noble spirits, who have consecrated their lives to the same great cause. The oppressed of the world watch. with breathless anxiety, the issue of our struggle, and call to us to be faithful and true to the cause of humanity and God. They call to us from the mountain wilds of Cuba; they call to us from the prison houses of Europe; they call to us from the bleak and icy plains of Siberia. Let us be faithful to the trust committed to us, and the world will bless us as the worthy recipients and noble defenders of the priceless heritage of liberty.

LIST OF DELEGATES,

WITH

POST OFFICE ADDRESS.



ALABAMA.

James T. Rapier, Montgomery, Alabama; James A. Foster; Holland Thompson.

ARKANSAS.

J.H. Johnson, P. O. Box 78, Augusta, Arkansas; W. H. Grey, Helena, Arkansas; H. B. Robinson, Helena, Arkansas; J. W. Mason, Lake Village, Chicot County, Arkansas; E.A. Fulton, Monticello, Drew County, Arkansas; J. C. Corbin, Little Rock, Arkansas.

FLORIDA.

J. T. Walls, Gainesville, Florida; J. C. Gibbs, Gainesville, Florida, care of J. T. Walls; C. H. Pierce, Gainesville, Florida, care of J. T. Walls.

GEORGIA.

J. H. Deveaux Savannah, Georgia; Edwin Belcher, Box 173, Augusta Georgia; H. M. Turner, Macon, Georgia; J. M. Simms, Savanna, Georgia; C. L. Bradwell, Americus, Georgia; J. C. Beall, Hamilton, Harris County, Georgia; W. H. Noble, Box 79, Columbus, Georgia; T. G. Campbell, Darien, McIntosh County, Georgia; John McCluskey, Athens, Georgia; L. W. West, Fort Valley, Georgia; J. F. Quarles, Box 181, Augusta, Georgia; W. H. Harrison, Sparta, Georgia; Augustus Gonakey, Talbotton, Georgia; W. A. Golden.

LOUISIANA.

P. B. S. Pinchback, 13 Derbigny, New Orleans, Louisiana; O. J. Dunn, New Orleans, Louisiana; George E. Paris; W. T. Johnson, New Orleans, Louisiana; Edward Butler, 114 Carondelet, New Orleans, Louisiana; Edgar Davis, 114 Carondelet, New Orleans, Louisiana; Benjamin

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Geddis, 324 Magazine street, New Orleans, Louisiana; F. C. Antoine, No. 3, Priesor street, New Orleans, Louisiana; J.H. Burch, Baton Rouge, Louisiana,

MARYLAND.

Isaac Meyers, Baltimore, Maryland.

MISSISSIPPI.

S.H. Scott, Holly Springs, Mississippi; James Lynch, Jackson, Mississippi.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

R.H. Cain, Charleston, S.C.; A.J. Ransier, Charleston, S.C.; R.B. Elliott, Columbia, S.C.; Wilson Cook, Greenville, S.C.; W.J. Whipper, Charleston, S.C.; B.H. Bosemon, Jr., Charleston, S.C.; J.H. Rainey, Georgetown, S.C.; H.E. Hayne, Marion, S.C.; W.B. Nash, Columbia, S.C.; S.J.Lee, Hamburg, S.C.; J.H. White, Yorkville, S.C.; Frank Williamson, Greenville, S.C.

TENNESSEE.

A.J. Flowers, Chattanooga, Tennessee; Edwin Shaw, 147 Beel street, Memphis, Tennessee.

NORTH CAROLINA.

T.A. Sykes, Elizabeth City, North Carolina; G.E. Price, Wilmington, North Carolina.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

F.G. Barbadoes, Washington, District of Columbia.

TEXAS.

Richard Nelson, Lock Box, 66, Galveston, Texas; J. DeBruhl, Lock Box 356, Galveston, Texas.

Convention Minutes Item Type Metadata

Convention Type

Regional

Region

South

Citation

Southern States Convention of Colored Men (1871 : Columbia, SC), “Proceedings of the Southern States Convention of Colored Men, held in Columbia, S.C., commencing October 18, ending October 25, 1871.,” Colored Conventions Project Digital Records, accessed July 14, 2020, https://omeka.coloredconventions.org/items/show/543.