Selections

Selections

Frederick Douglass' Paper

19th Century Newspapers

1855-05-18

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Selections From the New York Tribune. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE COLORED PEOPLE First FIRST DAY - MORNING MEETING The Third Semi-Annual Meeting of this body was held at noon yesterday in Dr. Pennington's Church. The Council was called to order by Dr. J. McCune Smith, the President. Mr. George T. Downing of Rhode Island was appointed Secretary. Mr. Smith then read the following ADDRESS. GENTLEMEN: You are assembled to fulfil the duties imposed on you by a Convention of the colored people, , assembled at Rochester in July, 1853, by which Convention you were duly appointed "for the purpose of improving the character, of developing the intelligence, maintaining the rights, and organizing a Union of the colored people of the free States." The hundred and seventy thousand souls who compose the free colored people of the [unclear][/unclear] States occupy a position in regard to human progress, of greater importance and responsibility than any like number of individuals on the face of the globe. The great question of human brotherhood is brought to a direct test in our persons and position; ; the practicability of democratic institutions, , their ability to overcome the fast [unclear]visage[/unclear] of tyranny in the human heart, the vincibility of caste by Christianity, the power of the gospel, the disenthrallment of three millions of bleeding and crushed slaves; ; all these issues lend their weight and rest their decision very greatly if not entirely on the free colored people of the free States. . This weight of responsibility is enough to make men shrink therefrom; ; but we cannot avoid it if we would. The influence of our land and its institutions reaches to the uttermost part of the earth ; and go where we may, we will find American prejudice, , or at least the odor of it, to contend against. It is easiest, as well as manliest, to most and contend with it here at the fountain head ; nor can we cease affecting there great issues by inactivity ; the case if going on, whether we labor or not ;

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and our inactivity will only help deciding it against us and these, and true principles. which it would seem the Providence of God that we are set apart to uphold. Although we may not readily see it, our position is not a hopeless one; it is full of promise.- - sometimes happens in great moral, , as in great at physical battles, that certain divisions divisions[unclear][/unclear], by simply maintaining a fixed position, even without striking an active blow, will conduce to the victory; in like manner by simply maintaining our numbers, and our senses, and our Christianity under the waves of oppression and practical infidelity that have vainly beaten against us, we have done our appointed service in the land where we dwell. But the hour has come for us, to take a direct and forward movement. We feel and know it. Just as in 1817 there was a spontaneous movement among our brethren of that generation, with one voice to oppose the Colonization movement, so in this year 1855, throughout the length of the land, do we feel roused to take an active and energetic part in the great question of Liberty or Slavery. We are awakened, as never before, to the fact that if Slavery and caste are to be removed from the land we must remove them, and remove them ourselves; others may aid and assist if they will, but the moving power rests greatly with us. Gentlemen, the direction of this newly-awakened power rests greatly with you. Untrammeled by any of the influences that curb or straiten other benevolent or deliberative organizations, you may bring forward, discuss and adopt such plan of movement as may seem best. One or two primary considerations are all I will venture. First, it is important that you thoroughly organize all the colored people; we cannot spare the aid of a single man, or woman, or minor capable of thinking.

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Mr. DUFFIN had supposed that $ 50,000 or $ 100,000 would be required to establish such a school; but if, as Mr. Douglass had said, $ 5,000 would start such an Institution, he would advise the several State Councils to establish one in each State, at an outlay of $ 5,000 or $ 10,000 for each. He thought such a plan would be better than to start one colossal college at vast expense, with the almost certain prospect of failure. Mr. AMOS G. BEMAN of Connecticut took his seat. Mr. TOPP of Albany was of the opinion that taking this State through, and the States of Ohio and Massachusetts as a whole, the colored children could not get an opportunity to learn mechanical trades, and if they could learn, they could get no opportunity to labor, on account of the antipathy of the white journeymen. In his own shop the white journeymen men tailors who worked for him struck against his employing colored men - Mr. Topp believed that there is a grave necessity for the establishment of such a school. The fact is, the most opposition is met with from the so-called friends of the colored people who say, why, you who are so strongly opposed to caste schools, and caste distinctions, are about to start such a school yourselves. To meet this, we inform them that the caste distinction, if any, is on the part of the whites; our Council have resolved that no such distinctions shall exist among us. Mr. GEO T. DOWNING was not able to see clearly the practicability of this plan. There is, and the truth must be spoken, too much apathy on our part. We might, if we pleased, find plenty of opportunities of learning trades and working at them afterward. He enumerated many instances in proof of his position. The only argument that could be advanced in favor of this school was that it might tend to induce colored people to feel the necessity of educating their children to trades. The natural tendency of presciptive measures is depressive. An instance of this kind is shown by the schools of Worcester, where, at the wish of the colored citizens, a separate school was started, and failed. Such, he thought, would be the fate of the Manual Labor School.

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Mr. Stephen Smith of Philadelphia said that most of the colored mechanics in Phila- Philadelphia had received their education in the South; and he knew that the colored people of the City of Philadelphia could not obtain opportunity to learn mechanic trades. But wherever a colored man understood a trade, he was sustained in Philadelphia; and Mr. Smith hoped the Report would be adopted. Dr. Pennington thought that the colored people ought to do their part in educating men with the whites; the white people es- established schools for black and white- why should not the colored people start schools and workshops for white and black? Mr. J. E. Brown of Elmira instanced sev- several colored workshops shops and workmen in Elmira, mira, where white and colored were employed; ed in many cases colored mechanics were unable to get colored boys to learn their trade.

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trades. He believed that colored mechanics could always find employment. Pending the debate the Council adjourned to 7 1/2 P.M. EVENING SESSION. The President (Dr. Smith) called the Council to order. He said he had just received a telegraphic dispatch from Mr. Peck, at Pittsburgh, stating that just as he was about to set out for New York he was detained by sickness, and asking the Council to hold its next meeting in Pittsburgh. Ordered on file. Mr. FREDERICK DOUGLASS presented the following resolutions from the Business Committee: Whereas, Long years of oppression and slavery have debarred colored youth from gaining a practical knowledge of mechanical science, and have doomed them to the menial avocations for a livelihood; ; and whereas, a bitter and persecuting prejudice against colored people (peculiar to our Republican community) stands as with drawn sword ready to strike down the aspiring colored youth the moment he advances toward the work-shop, with a view to attaining a respectable trade; and whereas, the only escape from degradation for our people is to be found in a renunciation of the position of a servile class, and in turning our attention to education, productive industry, and a practical knowledge of mechanical sciences; ; therefore, Resolved, That it is the first business of this Council, , charged with the duty of looking after and promoting the well-being of the colored people, to establish some means whereby our youth may no longer be deprived of useful, honorable and lucrative trades. Resolved, That as one means to this important end the Council reaffirm, and that they do hereby, m the plan for an Industrial College which has been reported by the proper Committee, and which has during a period of twelve months or more been regularly published in Frederick Douglass' Paper, and that they in furtherance of the same object adopt the second report submitted to them by the Committee on Industrial College.

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Mr. BONNER of Illinois thought the colored people had too long been dependent upon what might be done for them by the whites. It was time that they did something for themselves. He hoped this Report would be adopted, for he did not believe that the colored youth could otherwise find channels through which to elevate themselves to a position of independence and respectability. Mr. DOUGLASS fully concurred with the last speaker in the propriety of adopting the Report; ; but he deemed the Industrial College of so much moment that he hoped it would be more fully discussed. He believed that if an agent had been appointed at the time the plan was first proposed it would now be placed in a position of success beyond all doubt. This scheme had been pronounced by the first periodical in the world to be the greatest and most comprehensive for elevating the the colored race in this country yet proposed. That is the opinion of the New York Tribune. He was aware that some of the Abolition papers had opposed the plan, but if the colored people would ever arrive at a respectable place in society they must do their own thinking. The colored people are now the sick man of America; those who pretend to be their friends measure their place and guage their ideas and pat them on the back, but if they step beyond that narrow place those friends become villifiers and enemies. He wanted the colored men to feel that they possess the power to overcome the prejudice against their color. He did not see why colored men's enterprises should be stigmatized by their color. When white men start a school for their children no one stigmatizes it as proscriptive; ; why then do they charge the colored man with proscriptiveness when he seeks to overcome the disabilities attendant upon his position? The proscription is theirs not his. It had been asserted then on the one hand that colored children could easily learn trades, and on the other hand that after they had learned them they could not get employment at them. Was that not an argument for the colored man to help himself? But he would admit that this school is not needed when the work-shop and the studio, and every other branch of business, shall be open to the sons and daughters of color on equal terms with, or at least some show of kindness, from the white. Until then he must feel that this plan is the best yet offered for elevating the people of his hue.

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Mr. DOWNING reiterated his views in opposition to the establishment of this school. - He held that the fault of their menial position lay with the apathy and indolence of the colored people themselves. He had in his mind white persons in every branch of business who would be willing to take colored youths and teach them trades, if they could only get them to come to learn. It would take from $ 50,000 to $ 100,000 to start the enterprise contemplated, and then without a hope of its succeeding. Mr. MEYERS held that the great difficulty was in the want of unanimity among the colored people. It was not the fact that the colored children could learn any trade they wished. Abolitionists end "friends of the colored man," when they wanted to employ a boy or a man, did not offer nor consent to the employment of colored persons. If the colored people of the State or the nation wished to establish this school, they could do so and maintain it successfully. Since 1826 down to now, those who professed to be the strongest Abolitionists have refused to render the colored people anything else but sympathy; when an occasion offered and they might render them some practical service they shrunk back from the opportunity - they might employ a colored boy as a porter or packer, but would as soon put a hod-carrier to the clerk's desk as a colored boy, ever so well educated though he be. Mr. DUFFIN felt that the Council were not prepared to adopt this Report, and he hoped it would be laid over. A great deal had been said about the impossibility of getting colored youth into respectable work work-shops, , but not a word had been said about their fitness to fill such positions, and he doubted if they were to fill such positions, and he doubted if they were really qualified. He lived in Ontario County, the hot-bed of Silver Grayism, and be would guarantee that in the village in which he lived he could get from one to twenty colored boys a chance to learn trades from blacksmithing up to an education in Hobart Free College. He moved that the Report be laid on the table.

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Mr. WM. WILSON of Brooklyn said it had been argued that the children of the colored race are not prepared for such a movement as is contemplated; ; it is then obvious that they must be prepared, and how is this to be done? Such a school as the one in question would be a nucleus around which colored children could gather and be indoctrinated with such a spirit of enterprise as they never before felt, and as would enable them to achieve independence. The majority of the colored people themselves speak contemptuously of all enterprises set on foot by colored men, and lend their hearty co-operation operation and favor to all movements in which white men are concerned. He felt, and he wished his fellow colored men could adopt the same views, that if they would rise to a position of respect they must set for and respect themselves. Mr. SMITH of Philadelphia spoke in favor of the report, and offered examples of the difficulty attending the efforts of colored children to obtain trades. Mr. John N. STILL thought that from the present position of the discussion it would not be advisable to adopt the report. He did not see how the colored artisan could get work after he had learned a trade. Mr. BONNER said it would appear from the

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remarks of Mr. Downing and others that no prejudice at all existed in this country against color; such a view was absurd in the extreme. He cited instances to the contrary, showing that even among the most radical Abolitionists in the city of his residence, Chicago, he—than than whom no colored man there stood a better chance or had more influence—had - had been unable to get a colored boy, his own nephew, a situation, the white workmen in the shops refusing to work beside him. Mr. Bonner took the Chair.

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Da. Smith said nearly every gentleman who advocated this industrial school had been or was a mechanic, and those who opposed it had never been engaged in any mechanical avocation. In his youth he worked for four years as a blacksmith, and could speak of the good effects of mechanical training. This plan did not merely contemplate the teaching of a mechanical trade, but other things would be taught , scientific agriculture for instance. If they could only throw into the resources of the country in five years five hundred scientific and practical agriculturalists they might soon take into their own hands the agricultural interests. The Legislatures of all of the States are mostly composed of farmers not the best educated many of them. . Well, if the Colored School could furnish well educated farmers, they could furnish the legislators too. Without such a stimulus as this school you say our people have had the opportunity to learn trades, and they have not embraced it; why not try our plan–why why not see what this stimulus will effect? He continued: : There is no use further holding these Councils and passing first-rate rate resolutions, unless we do something tangible and show our people what may be accomplished. It is said this plan is impracticable. The colored man must do impracticable things before he is admitted to a place in society. . He must speak like a Douglass, write like a Dumas, and sing like the Black Swan before he could be recognized as a human being. We must start this school and make it work. In illustration of how easy it is for a colored man to learn a trade I will give you an instance: There is a colored boy at work in the foundery of Mr. Norris, in Philadelphia, who, with a common jack-knife, cut a perfect model of a steamboat, and painted its name upon the side without being able to read it afterward. Some gentlemen in Baltimore interested themselves in the young genius, and I went around to every foundery in this City to get him a chance to learn the trade, but but could not, and he was about to be sent to Manchester, England, to learn the trade, when his case attracted the notice of Mr. Norris, of Philadelphia, who despite the opposition of the men in his employ, gave him a place in his foundery, and the lad, notwithstanding that the men refused to show him how to do anything, , is rapidly becoming a skillful workman. The case of Mr. Meakin, another colored man, who learnt his trade at the South, and is now in the Novelty Works, is another argument on that point. He only obtained the situation by sheer accident, and the white man struck as soon as he was introduced into the workshop, and refused to work with him. Only the firmness of Mr. Allen, who discharged them one and all, overcame the prejudice. This is a sample of the case with which colored mechanics that can get ahead in this country. He concluded by the exhorting the Council to adopt the Report.

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Mr. DOWNING, after citing numerous instances of the indolence of the colored people when opportunities for advancement were presented to them, asked, would the people whom the delegates represented back them in supporting this college? How many of the delegates present would have their expenses paid by those they pretended to represent? [The Chair called the speaker to order.] Mr. Downing continued: We are a set of paupers, relying upon charity and any menial occupation that may be thrown in our way; the fault is entirely with ourselves. We must educate ourselves from birth up before we root out this servile spirit of dependence. Mr. Bell opposed the establishment of the Manual Labor College, contending that the whole plan was impracticable, and had been proved to be so at Oberlin, Oneida, and Central College, and everywhere else. Even in Prussia, where Labor Colleges are largely endowed by the Government, they have not been self-supporting. The colored people had frequently made efforts to establish educational institutions and always failed, and they would not succeed in this. Mr. MEYERS hoped the question would be put. Mr. DOUGLASS hoped that if they voted down this proposition the Council would remember that they decided that it was proscriptive for the colored people to make any effort to elevate themselves; that they were incompetent to do anything to help themselves; the fiat had gone forth from the central organ at Boston that all efforts to elevate the free colored people while Slavery existed in America are useless. He expected to see the school voted down, and should say no more. Chas. L. Remond, of Mass., held that what the colored race most wanted in this country was equal rights in the community, a fair field and no favor. This he believed the Anti-Slavery party would afford him.--And - And with each such a field he did not need any such school as the one proposed. The great want was a public sentiment recognizing the colored man as an American citizen. Whatever position the colored race had attained to in this country was due to the efforts of the Abolitionists, and whatever they had to hope for would be through their assistance, and he was not prepared to turn his back upon them.

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Then you should adopt means to lay your plans of organization or co-operation before every individual among our people. This can be done by the agency of lecturers and [unclear][/unclear] the Press. We must distinctly keep before the people the fact that our labors con-[unclear][/unclear] in something beside the declaration of sentiments. We must act up to what we declare. And so closely does oppression encompass us that we can act constantly in behalf of our cause by simply maintaining for ourselves the rights which the laws of the land guarantee to us in common with all citizens. From the mere act of riding in public convoyances, up to the immediate and entire abolition of Slavery in the slave States the laws of the land and the Constitution of the country are clearly on our side. And that man is a traitor to Liberty and a foe to our Humanity who maintains or even admits that we or any other human beings may be held in slavery on account of the color of skin, or for any reason short of the committing of the crime. And from the mere act of riding in public conveyances, up to the liberation of every slave in the land do our duty extend--embracing a full and equal participation, politically and socially, in all the rights and immunities of American citizens. If these our duties are weighty, we have the means to perform them. Our cause is inseparably wrapped up with every genial reform moving over the land. Freedom, hand in hand with labor, Wa ket, strong and brave; ; : On the forehead of his neighbor No man writeth slave!

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The President, in putting the question on the report add resolutions, said if the report was voted down the project would still be open for consideration by the Council -- The vote was then taken as follows: AYES -- Frederick Douglass, S. Meyers, Franklin Turner, S. Smith, J. N. Still, Jas. D. Bonner, J. McCone Smith -- 7 NAYS -- George T. Downing, P. A. Bell, James E. Brown, Edward V. Clark, W. C. Bell -- 5 The Chair decided that the report and resolutions were adopted. The Council then adjourned to 3 [unclear]1/2[/unclear], Wednesday P.M. M. --- SECOND DAY. At 3 [unclear]1/2[/unclear] o'clock yesterday afternoon the Council reassembled at the Rev. Dr. Pennington's Church, and were called to order by Dr. Smith, President. Mr. GEO. T. Downing, Secretary, read the minutes of the last meeting, which were approved. Mr. Bell moved that a Committee of three be appointed on Finance--adopted, -- and andMessers J. Wilson, Wm. C Nell, and Stephen Smith appointed to that Committee. Mr John W. Lewis, of Vt., entered the Council and took his seat. A letter was read from Mr. John C. Bowees of Philadelphia, excusing his absence. Mr. Douglass from the Business Committee reported the following: Whereas, A period of two y years has elapsed since the last General or National Convention of Colored Americans was summoned to convene in the City of Rochester in the State of New York, and Whereas, The results of said Convention have proved highly beneficial in laying the foundation of a plan of union and co-operation among the oppressed for their mutual improvement and elevation, , and Whereas, it is very desirable that this Council should be brought often in contact with and under the influence of its constituents, and, Whereas, it is believed that such a revision of the present Constitution of the Council can be made as will remove all hinderance to its general

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adoption by our people and render it more efficient as an instrumentality in our elevation and improvement, and Whereas, the duty of calling National Conventions of our people devolves upon the National Council, therefore. Resolved, That a Committee of - bo now appointed to draw up a call for a National Convention of colored people to be held in the city of _, in the State of _, on the _ day of October, 1855. Resolved, That the moral improvement and social elevation of the free colored people of the North is an efficient means of promoting the emancipation of the slaves of the South, and that this Council finds it impossible to repose confidence in the genuineness of that Abolitionism which, while it denounces slavery at the South, scouts as delusive and the hurtful all schemes for the moral, and social elevation of the free colored people at the North. Mr. Smith moved to fill up the blank with Philadelphia. Mr. Downing thought New York City would be the best locality for holding the National Convention, as the Reportorial advantages were much better that in Philadelphia. Mr. Douglass favored Philadelphia. The question was put and carried. The discussion on the resolutions followed. Mr. Douglass advocated the necessity for a National Convention. Mr. Bell was constrained to rise in opposition to the proposed Convention; he did not see any need of it if the State Councils only did their duty. Mr. Langston of Ohio was by a vote of the Council invited to take his seat as an honorary member. The question was taken on the resolutions- 8 and 5 against. Carried. Mr. bell moved that the blank be filled up with the third Tuesday in October. Stephen Smith of Philadelphia, W.J. J. Wilson of N.Y., and J.W. W. Lewis, of Vt., were appointed a Commitee on the National Convention.

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Mr. Nell asked to be excused from acting on the Finance Committee from conscientious scruples. A lively discussion ensued, some demanding a more explicit reason, others contending that he was justified in refraining from giving a more explicit reason. Mr. Bell moved that he be excused. A more extended debate ensued, during which it appeared that Mr. Nell's reason was a conscientious doubt as to the legality of the action of this Convention. On the vote 8 opposed the motion to the excuse and 3 voted for it. Lost. Mr. Bonner moved that John Jones of Chicago, Ill., be appointed agent for the West to collect funds for and dispose of stock in the Manual Labor School. Adopted. Mr. Douglass was nominated to a like position for the East, but he asked to be excused; ; his paper occupied all of his time. --He excused. Mr. John W. Lewis was next nominated. He was to be excused. Mr. John W. Lewis was next nominated. He wished to be excused. The Chair suggested that the residue of the agents to be appointed be left to the Committee on Manual Labor Schools to nominate. Adopted. The Finance Committee reported a resolution to tax all of the State and National delegates $ 1 each toward defraying the expenses of the Convention. Adopted. Mr. Bonner took the Chair. The President offered a resolution that the National Council recognize in Frederick Douglass' Paper a true, earnest and thorough-going advocate of the cause of the colored people; also, thanking Miss Julia Griffiths, the literary editor of the same paper, who for five years past had given her entire services gratuitously to that department. The resolutions were adopted. Dr. Smith presented a statistical report on the movements of the colored people from 1790 to 1849. He moved that it be referred to a Committee of three to publish. Adopted. Adjourned to 10 o'clock this A.M. M.

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THIRD DAY. At 10 o'clock yesterday morning the Council cil was called to order by the President, J. McCUNE SMITH. Secretary Downing read the minutes, which were approved. On motion of Mr. MEYERS the thanks of the Council were tendered to the Pastor and Trustees of the Church for throwing it open to the use of the Council. Mr. DOWNING presented the following, which were adopted: : Whereas, It has been shown in the discussions sions before this Council that there are a number of colored youth who seek employment ment and instruction as mechanics; that there are also in various sections of the country employers and mechanics willing to receive colored youth as apprentices or workmen, and Whereas, It is most desirable that these two classes should have a medium of communication; nication ; therefore, Resolved, That the members of this Council cil constitute themselves a Committee on Trades and Employments, whose duty it shall be to receive and investigate the wants of those seeking apprenticeships and em employments, and of those willing to employ or instruct colored youth. Resolved, That all such information be sent for insertion in a column of Frederick Douglass' Paper to be entitled the Trades column of the National Council. Resolved, That for the printing and pub- publishing of said column in his newspaper, for the term of one year, the sum of one hun- hundred and fifty dollars to be collected and paid to Mr. Douglass by the members of the Council aforesaid, in the proportion of twelve dollars each. Mr. Meyers presented the following, which were adopted: : Whereas, Sermons and collections in various churches throughout the land have been the means of building up the American Colonization Society and promoting the expatriation of the colored people, and Whereas, All influence so long used to our detriment may be turned to our benefit and advancement; therefore,

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Resolved, That we respectfully request the Pastors of the colored churches and of all churches friendly to the advancement of the colored people in the United States, to deliver one sermon, and take up one collection for the benefit of the Industrial School, all such collections to be forwarded to STEPHEN SMITH, Treasurer of the National Council, Philadelphia, Pa., or James D. Bonner, Treasurer of the Industrial School, Chicago, Ill, John D. Jones, Chicago, Ill., and to J. W. Lewis, St. Albans, Vt., [/unclear]. , who will duly announce the receipts in the column of the National Council, in Frederick Douglass' Paper. Mr. Douglass, from the business Committee, offered the following suggestions for reports to be presented to the National Convention: I. Report on the Educational Privileges of the Colored People; the number attending schools; and the character of Schools in each State; by Professor C L Reason. II. Report on Mechanical Trades of the Colored People; the number of employers, journeymen and apprentices, and of what trades, in each State; by E. V. Clark. III. Report on Religious Societies of the Colored People; the number of Churches, their denominations, and number of congregation or worshippers to each, in each State; by C. B. Ray, Dr. Pennington, J. J. G. Bias, and Stephen Smith. IV. Report on Colored Benevolent Societies, including the Orders of Odd Fellows and Masons, their number of members, amount expended: in their objects, amount of capital and names; by W.J. J. Wilson. V. Report on History and importance of a Press for Colored People: by Messrs.

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Meyers, J. Topp, and J.M. M. Langston. VI. A Report on Colored Conventions in the United States; by Mr. Beman. The whole of the above was adopted. It was resolved by the Council to instruct every delegate to the coming National Convention to obtain from his constituents a draft of the amendment which they would desire to make to the Constitution; and further that the election of delegates to said Convention take place in every State of the Union on the 13th of September next. After the customary compliments to their officers the Council adjourned sine die.

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The States which have legislated in behalf of the Temperance reform have also made movements toward recognizing our rights as citizens thereof. But efforts on our own part have helped toward this good result; in Massachusetts, mainly by efforts of some colored citizens, one a member of this Council, the [unclear]last[/unclear] vestige of caste in Public Schools has been abolished. In Connecticut, on the petition of her colored citizens, led by a member of this Council, both Houses of the Legislature have done their share toward granting us equal suffrage, and the Governor has recently strongly recommended the same. In New York, through the efforts of a member of this Council and the President of our State Council, aided by the moving eloquence of another member of our Council, the Legislature passed a vote of equal suffrage—a - a vote for which the past twenty years we have petitioned and struggled in vain. In Pennsylvania a strong and able effort has been made to obtain the franchise by our colored brethren, and not without some signs of success. Even Illinois, hitherto covered with deeper infamy

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in caste than any other State, there are signs that the labors of her intelligent and energetic colored citizens have not been in vain. Gentlemen, these cheering and grand results have followed the almost isolated labors of less than a hundred colored men; ; I had almost said of five. What may we not do if we secure the hearty, earnest and steady co-operation of ten thousand such men? If a hundred colored men have struck those blows under which Slaveocracy reels and staggers, how easily will ten thousand overthrow that atrocious system. We have the men and the spirit, and a favorable public sentiment; ; let us address ourselves to the work of organization. The time is come when our people must assume the rank of a first-rate power in the battle against caste and Slavery; ; it is emphatically our battle; ; no one else can fight is for us, and with God's help we must fight it for us, and with God's help we must fight it ourselves-Our Our relations to the Anti-Slavery movement must be and are changed. Instead of depending upon it we must lead it. We must maintain our citizenship and manhood in every relation-civil, relgious, and social- throughout the land. The recognition of our manhood throughout this land is the Abolition of Slavery throughout the land. One of the means of elevation left in your care by the Rochester Convention is an Industrial School; ; and a plan by which our rising youths may forsake menial employments for mechanical and mercantile occupations. The accomplishment of both these objects is within our ability. Among the wants which we labor under as a class, there is not the want of money. We do not even in half our proportionate numbers occupy the Atlas-houses in the Free States. During the profound distress which existed during the past winter we were not in any degree the distressed or starving class. And statistics will be presented to this Council, showing that as a mass, in the free States, we occupy a middle position between the rich and the poor. Not only could the hundred thousand free colored people of Pennsylvania and New York easily establish and richly endow an Industrial School; ; but I could name ten men among us who could do it without sensible loss to their abundance of means. This Industrial School should, like the rest of what we do, be our own movement, done by our own means. We will make both character and reputation in establishing it. We have therefore, gentlemen a cause, and the men and the means to carry it on; ; may you be endowed with true wisdom for the accomplishment of the great purposes for which you are now met together.

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Mr. STEPHEN METERS of Albany, stated that many members of the Councils of other States, and of the State Council, were present, and moved that they be invited to present, and moved that they be invited to take seats in the Council and participate in the debate. Mr. BELL seconded the motion, and suggested that the fact that a colored man had been elected Clerk in one of the Counties of Ohio be embodied in the address. Carried. The roll was called, when the following members were announced as present: New York - Frederick Douglass, Dr. Pennington, Phillip A. Bell, Ed. V. Clark, Jas. E. Brown, John N. Still, Stephen Meyers, Jas. McCune Smith. Rhode Island-Geo. - Geo. T. Downing. Illinois- - John D. Bonner. - -Pennsylvanua- - Stephen Smith, Franklin Turner. Honorary Members - Wm. H. Topp, Jas. W. Duffie, N. Y. The CHAIRMAN, in accordance with the vote of the Convention, nominated by a Business Committee consisting of Frederick Douglass of New York, Franklin Turner of Pennsylvania, and Jas. D. Bonner of Illinois. The committee retired to consider the business laid before them, and during their absence the Constitution of the Council was read. In answer to an interrogatory from STEPHEN MEYERS, the PRESIDENT said that New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Rhode Island and Michigan had organized the State Councils. Mr. MEYERS thought that the National Council should appoint agents to travel through the Free States, and if possible through the Slave States too, to stir up the colored people to organize the State Councils to co-operate with the National Council.

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Mr. Frederick Douglass said: The Business Committee report that not having any business to perfect they cannot at this session offer any proposition for the consideration of the Council. They would wish to hear a report from the Manual Labor Committee. Mr. Bonner, on behalf of the Manual Labor School Committee, presented the following report: The Committee on Manual Labor School appointed at the first Meeting of the National Council, held in the City of New York in November, 1853, beg to make the following Report: Owing to a combination of circumstances wholly unavoidable and unexpected by us we have been prevented from making any successful efforts toward establishing the contemplated school, but we are not without hope that a well devised and vigorously presented plan of operation for the future may be crowned with success, one that we may yet be enabled to establish on a firm basis an institution where the colored youth of our own country may acquire not only a thorough education, but at the same time receive such mechanical instruction as will fit them for useful members of society and enable them to pave their way to the most honorable and independent position known to American citizens. Among the many causes which have retarded our success in this noble and cherished enterprise, the inability of our appointed agent, Frederick Douglass, Esq., to travel and solicit donations and dispose of stock in said School, has been one of a serious and hurtful character; but the greatest obstacle in the way of our success has been the extraordinary stringency in money matters, which has prevailed throughout the country for the last twelve months. Any attempt to collect money during the above period for purposes of benevolence would, in our humble opinions, have been fruitless. When we look around we find we are not alone in backwardness in raising funds with which to start our proposed Institution. We find that the People's College of New York, which was proposed some time before our own and upon principles similar to ours, is also languishing for the want of means to carry it forward. At the present time the prospects seem more auspicious, and we confidently believe that something may yet be done by proper and well-directed efforts towards the consummation of our wishes. It requires no labored arguments to convince our friends of the great necessity of an institution like this; they must already be satisfied on this point. We want an institution that will be looked up to with feelings of pride and satisfaction by our own people; and looked at and inspected by the world. In conclusion we recommend to the Council the appointment of three agents who shall be fully empowered to travel and solicit aid -- one for the Eastern, and one for the Western States; and one for the Continent of Europe. All of which is most respectfully submitted. James McCune Smith, J. D. Bonner, John Peck, A. G. [unclear]Beman[/unclear], John Jones, Frederick Douglass.

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Mr. Douglass said this project, of all others started at Rochester, he believed was the best that could be devised for the advancement of his race. He was not dismayed by the few faces he saw around him, nor by the numerous opponents besetting them on all hands. Among their own people, thus whom they most looked up to for help in this work, they had met with opposition; but if it only but if it only aroused the colored people at large to better their condition - to raise themselves from the condition of menial laborers to skilled mechanics and artisans- - he should be

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satisfied. But he feared that their opposition arose from indifference or apathy. He hoped the report would be adopted, but not before it had been fully discussed among themselves. Dr. PENNINGTON believed that the party or church in this country that shall present to the public the best plan for the education of the masses will be the dominant party for the next fifty years. He went for the education, not only of the colored but of the white people also, whether separate or together it mattered not, so long as the essential and- - the education of the whole people-was - was arrived at. If it be necessary that a separate institution should be established for the education of colored children, why, let it be started and upheld. Family schools, infant schools, grammar schools and universities were needed for the colored people, and he hoped they would be established; they would be, and if the colored people would only be united it would be accomplished. He hoped the principles of the report would be carried out. Mr. TOPP inquired if any conclusion had been arrived at about the cost of establishing such a school. Dr. SMITH-the - the requisite foundation fund would be $ 30,000. Mr. TOPP was not opposed to this project; but he said he had to answer a great many questions about its practicability, and would like to know what prospect of success the Committee had before them. EDWARD B. CLARK of New York differed from Mr. Douglass in regard to the cause of the opposition manifested by the colored people to the proposed school. The Manual Labor School never could develop any degree of perfection in mechanical or agricultural education among its pupils. At Oberlin, Oneida, and elsewhere this fact had long since become apparent. And if they established it, what white man would would teach colored children a trade? How could such an institution be self self-sustaining? What would the $ 30,000 - not the first cent of which had been collected - amount to? He would suggest that social communities of colored people be established, so that the mechanic arts could be nurtured within their limits.

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Mr. MEYERS said if this Council should see fit to fix upon some spot for the location of the proposed school, the colored people need not to go to the white man's door for mechanical, artistical or literary labor; for within themselves they possessed all the elements necessary to successfully carry on a community of every department of labor, science and art. Mr. DOUGLAS was glad to hear anything in the shape of objection to the proposed college; that was what he wanted to get at. The true idea of this school had not been fully stated; ; it was not to be a strictly educational school, such as at Oneida, Oberlin, or elsewhere. The idea is not so much to educate the heads as the hands; to facilitate the mechanical advancement of the colored people. The question is, Have we at this time in this country the necessary facilities for the mechanical education of the children of dusky hue? If there are doors open, or if there be any better means than the establishment of a mechanical school, let us know it. He had seen it stated, in a paper in this City that was once indorsed by the colored people of this country, that in this City there were ample facilities for training colored mechanics. If this be true, why, , here such a school is not needed. But in his own locality no such facility was in existence. He knew that even in his own office he had great difficulty in introducing a colored Loy to work at the side of white men. If this school should prove exclusive it would, as he understood it, be the fault of the whites and not of the colored people. The question "Is this really a practicable plan?" depends upon on the amount of will which the colored people bring to the work. Of the money, he did not for a moment doubt that a sum ample enough for all purposes could be raised; $ 5,000, he believed, would be enough to start this school. With this they might not be able to teach every branch of mechanic art in the start; at first they might have basket-makers, coopers, and such simple crafts; they only wanted a beginning -- Oberlin did not fail because they blended the classics with physical labor, but because they allowed the student to study without labor if he pleased, which produced aristocracy, that looked down upon the poor boy who toiled at the work work-bench as well as studied the classics. He continued: : Our object is to make labor honorable; and if we enter upon the work with a determination to succeed, succeed we shall. The process of making a bedstead or a bureau in such a school is the same as in the work-shops of the city, and the boy might learn as much; and he thought more, where both his mind and his muscle were educated, than where only his muscles were brought into play.

This transcription is the combination of work from more than 4,500 people who volunteered during the 2022 celebration of Douglass Day, held in partnership with Zooniverse.

1855.NY-05.08.NEWY